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SMITBSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



REV. J. OWEN DORSEY. 



(205) ^ 



0>* 



^^ 



^^ 



52267 



SIOUAN ALPHABET. 



[Tbis is given to explain tl>e prouunciation ( 

a, as in father. 

'a, an initially exploded a. 

fi, as in tchat. 

% an initially exploded a. 

a, as in hat. 

c, as sh iu nhe. See s. 

0, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. 

c (Dakota letter), as ch in church. 
y, as f/t in thin. 

5, a medial 5, sonant-surd. 
^, as </(. in the. 

e, as in they. 

'e, an initially exploded e. 

6, as in get. 

% an initially exploded 6. 

g, as in go. 

g (in Dakota), gh. See x. 

h (in Dakota), kh, etc. See q. 

i, as in ■machine. 

'i, an initially exploded i. 

1, as in jjtrt. 

j, as « iu azure, or as j in French 

Jacques. 
^, a medial k, a sonant-surd, 
k', an exploded k. 
n, as ng in sing. 
lin, its initial sound is expelled 

from the nostrils, and is scarcely 

heard. 



o, as in MO. 

'o, an initially exploded o. 

d, a medial b (or ])), a sonant-surd. 

p', an exploded p. 

q, as German ch in ach. Sec li. 

s, a medial s (or z), a sonant-surd. 

s (in Dakota), as sh in she. See c. 

4, a medial t, a sonant-surd. 

t', an exploded t. 

II, as 00 iu tool. 

'u, an initially exploded u. 

u, as 00 ill foot. 

n, a sound between o and u. 

u, as in German kiihl. 

X, gh, or nearly the ■ Arabic ghain. 

See g. 
dj, as jiu judge. 
tc, as ch in church. See c. 
tc', an exiiloded tc. 
!)0, a medial tc, a sonant surd. 
qs, a medial ts, a sonant-surd, 
ts', an exploded ts. 
z (in Dakota), as z in azure, etc. 

See j. 
ai, as in aisle. 
an, as 010 in cow. 
yu, as u in ttine. 



The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, 1, m, u, 
p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (") after a vowel nasalizes it. A 
plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it. 

Witli the exception of the tive letters taken from Eiggs' Dakota Dic- 
tionary, and used only in the Dakota words in this paper, the above 
letters belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology. 



0^ 



CONTENTS. 



Chapter I.— Introduction .^ 211 

Early migrations of the (['egiha tribes 211 

Subsequeut migrations of the Omahas 213 

Present state of the Omahas 214 

Chapter II. — The State 215 

Differeutiatiou of organs in the State 216 

State classes 216 

Servants 217 

Corporations 218 

Chapter III.— The Gentile System 2iy 

Tribal circles 219 

The Omaha tribal circlti 219 

Rules for pitching the tents 220 

The sacred tents 221 

The sacred pipes 221 

Gabige's account of the tradition of the pipes 222 

A"-ba-hebe's account of the same 222 

Law of membership 225 

The Weji° cte or Elk gens 225 

The liSke-sabe or Black shoulder gens 228 

The HaOga gens 233 

The ();atadagens 236 

The Wasabe-hit'aji subgens 236 

TheWajiuga-(fataji subgens 238 

The xeda-it'aji subgens 239 

The Jiei" subgens 240 

The Ka"zegens 241 

The Ma"(finka-gaxe gens 242 

The xe-sinde gens 244 

The xa-da or Deer-head gens 245 

The liigv'e-jide gens 247 

The Ictasauda gens 248 

Chapter IV.— The Kinship System and Marriage Laws 252 

Classes of kinship 252 

Consanguineous kinship 253 

Affinities 255 

Marriage laws '-•'•' 

Whom a man or woman cannot marry 256 

Whom a man or woman can marry 2.57 

Importance o£ the subgentes 258 

Remarriage 253 

Chapter V.— Domestic Life 259 

Courtship and marriage customs 259 

Domestic etiquette— bashfulness 2i)2 

Pregnancy 2(>3 

Children 205 

(207) 



208 



C'HAi'TKU V. — Do.MKSTic LIFE — Coiitiuued. 

Stamliug of women in society 266 

Catamcnia 267 

Widows and widowers 2CT 

Rights of parents and others -.'06 

PtTsonal habits, politeness, etc '^(iO 

Meals, etc ■■i'l 

Chapteu VI.— VisiTixG Customs .. . 276 

Chapter VII.— Ixdvsteial Occupations 1 2S;i 

Hunting cnstoiiis 283 

I'i.sliing customs 301 

Cnltivation of the ground 302 

Chapteu VIII.— Industrial Occupations (continued) 303 

Food and its i)i'ei)aration 303 

Clothing and its preparation 310 

Chapter IX. — Protective Industries 312 

War customs 312 

Defensive warfare 312 

Oft'cnsive warfare 3ir> 

Chapter X. — Amusements and Corporations 334 

Games 334 

Corporations 342 

Feasting societies 342 

Dancing societies 342 

Chapter XI.— Regulative Industries. 356 

The government 3.56 

Religion 363 

Chapter XII.— The Law 364 

Personal law 364 

Property law 366 

Corporation law 367 

Government law 367 

International law 368 

Military law 368 

Religious law 368 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Plate XXX.-Map showing the migrations of the Omahas and cognate 



212 
237 
253 
255 
220 



XXXI.— Tent of Agaha- wacuce - • • 

XXXII.— Omaha system of consanguinities 

XXXIII. — Omaha system of affinities 

Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 

13.— Places of the chiefs, &c., in the tribal assembly ^^* 

14.— luke-sabo tent " 

15.— luke-sabe style of wearing the hair 

16.— luke-sabe Gentile assembly 

17.— The sacred pole 



lg._Wasabe-hit'aji style of wearing the hair 23/ 

19 _j^e-sinde style of wearing the hair 24^ 

20.— The weawa" or cahimet pipe ' 

21. —Rattles used in the pipe dance ~' 

•>2 — Tbe Dakota style of tobacco pouch used by the Omahas in the pipe 

, ■ 278 

dance 

23.— The position of the pipes, the ear of corn, &c ■"^ 

24.— Decoration of child's face ■ ■--■ 

25.— Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of " ';a withm 

the tribal circle 

26. — Figures of pumpkins 

27.— The Webajabe 

28.— The Weubaja" 

29. — Front view of the iron 

30.— Old Pouka fort 

31.-Diagram showing places of the gne-sts, messengers, etc 31o 

32. — Tlie bauaiige 

33.— The sticks 

31.— Xa^ba" an ha, 

35. — (f ab)ii" an ha, 

36.— Diagram of the play-ground ^' ' 

37.— The stick used in playing ja^'i-'-jahe ^38 

38.-ThewaYigije ^^f 

39.— The stick used in playing ini-^buia -^^^ 

40.— The waqi^eqtSe 'a"sa ^^ 

41.— ThePonkastyleof hanga-5ii'a'>ze 'f''" 

42.— The Omaha style of hauga-5[i'a"'ze ^I'l 

3 ETH — 14 



2.?0 

295 
306 
310 
311 
311 
314 



336 
336 
337 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



By J. Owen Dorsey. 



CHAPTEE I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

§ 1. The Omaha Indians belong to the ^egiba group of the Siouan 
family. The (//egiha group may be divided into the Omalia-(pegiha and 
the Kwapa-(pegiha. In the former are four tribes, speaking three dia- 
lects, while the latter consists of one tribe, the Kwapas. The dialects 
are as follows : Parika, spoken by the Ponkas and Omabas; Waoaoe, 
the Osage dialect; ^a^ze, that of the Kansas or Kaws, closely related 
to the Waoaoe; and Ugaqpa, or Kwapa. 

§ 2. (fegiha means, "Belonging to the people of this l;ind," and answers 
to the Oto "xoi^cr®'" '^^^ t^® Iowa " j^oe5[iwere." Mr. Joseph La 
Flfeche, who was formerly a head chief of the Omahas, also said that 
(pegiha was about equivalent to " Dakota." When an Omaha was chal- 
lenged in the dark, when on his own land, he generally replied, "I am 
a ^egiha." So did a Ponka reply, under similar circumstances, when 
on his own land. But when challenged in the dark, when away from 
home, he was obliged to give the name of his tribe, saying, " I am an 
Omaha," or, " I am a Ponka," as the case might be. 

§ 3. The real name of the Omahas is " Uma^ha"." It is explained by 
a tradition obtained from a few members of the tribe. When the ances- 
tors of the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and several other cognate tribes 
traveled down the Ohio to its mouth, they separated on reaching the 
Mississippi. Some went up the river, hence the name Uma°ha°, from 
j]ima°ha", " to go against the wind or .stream." The rest went down 
the river, hence the name Ugaqpa or Kwdpa, from ugaqpa or ug4ha, " to 
float down the stream." 



EARLY MIGRATIONS OF THE (^EGIHA TRIBES 

The tribes that went up the Mississippi were the Omahas, Ponkas, 
Osages, and Kansas. Some of the Omahas remember a tradition that 
their ancestors once dwelt at the place where Saint Louis now stands; 
and the Osages and Kansas say that they were all one people, inhabit- 
ing an extensive peninsula, on the Missouri River. 

(211) 



212 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

On tbis peninsula was a high mountain, which the Kansas called 
Ma^-claqpaye ami Tce-duiiga-ajabe ; the corresponding Osage name be- 
Ma°}aqpa(j;6.' 

Subsequently, these tribes ranged through a territory, including 
Osage, Gasconade, and other adjacent counties of the State of Missouri, 
perhaps most of the country lying between the Mississippi and the 
Osage Elvers. The lowas were near them ; _^ut the Omahas say that 
the Otos and Missouris were not known to them. The Iowa chiefs, 
however, have a tradition that the Otos were their kindred, and that 
both tribes, as well as the Omahas and Ponkas, were originally Winne- 
bagos. A recent study of the dialects of the Osages, Kansas, and 
Kwapas discloses remarkable similarities which strengthen the supposi- 
tion that the lowas and Otos, as well as the Missouris, were of one stock. 

At the mouth of the Osage Eiver the flnal separation occurred. The 
Omahas and Ponkas crossed the Missouri and, accompanied by the 
lowas, proceeded by degrees through Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota, 
till they reached the neighborhood of the Eed Pipestone quarry. This 
must have taken many years, as their course was marked by a suc- 
cession of villages, consisting of earth lodges. 

Thence they journeyed towards the Big Sioux Eiver, where they made 
a fort. They remained in that country a long time, making earth lodges 
and cultivating fields. Game abounded. At that time the Yanktons 
dwelt in a densely wooded country near the head of the Mississippi ; 
hence the Omahas called them, in those days, " Ja°'a;a ni'kaci^ga, The 
people who dwelt in the woods." After that the Yanktons removed and 
became known as Yanktons. By and by the Dakotas made war on the 
three tribes, and many Omahas were killed by them. So at last the 
three tribes went west and southwest to a lake near the head of Choteau 
Greek, Dakota Territory, now known as Lake Andes (?). There they cut 
the sacred pole (see §§ 36 and 153), and assigned to each gens and subgens 
its peculiar customs, such as the sacred pipe, sacred tents, and the taboos. 
There were a great many geutes in each tribe at that time, far more than 
they have at present ; and these gentes were in existence long before 
they cut the sacred pole. 

After leaving the lake, known as "Waq^exe gasai' (fa"". Where they 
cut the sacred pole," they traveled up the Missouri Eiver till they ar- 
rived at Ni-iigacude, White Earth Eiver. They crossed the Missouri, 

' The "n-riter was told by an Osage that Ma°^aqpac|e was at Fire Prairie, Missouri, 
where the first treaty with the Osages was made hy the United States. But that 
place is on a creek of the same name, which empties into the Missouri River on the 
south, in T. 50 N., R. 28 W., at the town of Napoleon, Jackson County, Missouri. 
This could uot have baeu the original Ma"L(aqpa^e. Several local names have been 
dujilicatcd by the Kansas in the course of their wandcriugs, and there are traces of 
similar duplications among the Osages. Besides this, the Omahas and Ponkas never 
accompanied the Kansas and Osages beyond the mouth of the Osage River ; aud the 
Kansas did not reach the neighborhood of Napoleon, Missouri, for some time after 
the seuaratiou at the mouth of the Osage River. 



BUREAU OF ETITNOLOGT 



AjraUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXX 




ISIAP SHOWlNa MIGUATIUXS OF TUE OMAUAS AND COGXATE TUUiES. 



Legend. 



AViunebago habitat. 

Iowa babitat. 

Arkansas babitat. 

Kwapa habitat, after the separation from the Omahas, etc. 
, lioute of tbo Omahas, Ponkaa, Kansas, and Osagea. 
. Tbeir habitat at thu mouth of the Missouri River. 
, Their courso along that liver. 
, Their habitat at the mouth of Osage River. 

Subsequent course of the Osages. 
, Subsequent course of the Kansas. 

, Course of Iho Omahas and Ponkas, according to some. 
. Their course, according to others. 
. Where they met the lowas. 
, Course of ibe three tribes. 
, IMpeatone quarry. 
, Clilfs 100 feet high on each bank. 



Fort built by the three tribes. 
, Lake Andes. 
, Mouth of White River. 

Mouth of the Niobrara River. 
. Omaha village on Bow Creek. 
, Iowa village on Ionia Creek. 

Omaha village xil^-iigS'.iifig^' smd Zande bu4a, 
, Omaha village at Omadi. 
, Omaha village on Bell Creek. 

Probable course of the lowas. 
, Omaha habitat on Salt Creek. 
, Omaha habitat at Ane nat'ai ifa°. 

Omaha habitat on Shell Creek. 
, Omaha habitat on the Elkhorn River. 
, Omaha habitat on Logan Creek. 

Omaha babitat near BoUovue. 



DOKSEY] MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. 213 

above this stream, and occupied the country between the Missouri and 
the Black Hills, though they did not go to the Black Hills.^ After 
awhile, they turned down stream, and kept together till they reached 
the mouth of the Niobrara, where the Ponkas stopped. The Oraahas 
and lowas continued their journey till they reached Bow Creek, Ne- 
braska, where the Omahas made their village, the lowas going beyond 
till they reached Ionia Creek, where they made a village on the east 
bank of the stream, near its mouth, and not far from the site of the pres- 
ent town of Ponca. 

By and by the Omahas removed to a place near Covington, Nebr., 
nearly opposite the present Sioux City. The remains of this village are 
now known as " xi-?an'ga jifi'ga," and the lake near by is called "(pix- 
ucpa°-ug(j!e," because of the willow trees found along its banks. 

In the course of time the lowas passed the Omahas again, and made 
a new village near the place where Florence now stands. After that 
they continued their course southward to their present reservation. 

The Otos did not accompany the Ponkas, Omahas, and lowas, when 
they crossed the Missouri, and left the Osages and others. The Otos 
were first met on the Platte Eiver, in comparatively modern times, ac- 
cording to Mr. La Flfeche. 



SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. 

§ 4. After leaving jLi-^anga-jiiiga, where the lodges were made of wood, 
they dwelt at Zand6 \>\L%a. 

2. Ta^'wa^-jan'gajThe Large Village, is a place near the town of Omadi, 
Nebr. The stream was crossed, and the village made, after a freshet. 

3. On the west side of Bell Creek, Nebraska. 

4. Thence south to Salt Creek, above the site of Lincoln. 

5. Then back to Ta''wa°-^auga. While the people were there, A^ba- 
hebe, the tribal historian was born. This was over eighty years ago. 

6. Thence they went to Ane-ndt'ai ^a°, a hill on the west bank of the 
Elkhorn Eiver, above West Point, and near Bismarck. 

7. After five years they camped on the east bank of Shell Creek. 
S. Then back to Ta°wa°-}anga, on Omaha Creek. 

9. Then on the Elkhorn, near Wisner, for ten years. While there, 
A^ba-hebe married. 

10. About the year 1832-'3, they returned to Ta^wa^-^anga, on Omaha 
Creek. 

11. In 1841 they went to Ta°'wa"-jing4 ^a", The Little Village, at the 
mouth of Logan Creek, and on the east side. 

= A Ponka chief, Buffalo Chips, said that liis tribe left the rest at White Earth 
River and went as far as the Little Missouri River and the region of the Black Hills. 
Finally, they returned to their kindred, who then began their journey down the 
Missouri River. Other Ponkas have told about going to the Black Hills. 



214 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY 

12. In 1843, they returned to Ta"wa°-^anga. 

13. In 1845 they went to a plateau west of Bellevue. On the top of 
the plateau they built their earth lodges, while the agency was at Belle- 
vue. 

14. They removed to their present reserve in 1855. 



PRESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS. 

§ 5. Their reservation was about 30 miles in extent from east to west, 
and IS or 20 from north to south. It formed Black Bird County. The 
northern part of it containing some of the best of the timber lands, was 
ceded to the Winnebagos, when that tribe was settled in Nebraska, and 
is now in Dakota County. The southern part, the present Omaha res- 
ervation, is in Burt County. The Omahas have not decreased in popu- 
lation during the past twenty-five years. In 1876 they numbered 1,076. 
In 1882 there are about 1,100. Most of the men have been farmers 
since 1869; but some of them, under Mr. La Flfeche, began to woi'k for 
themselves as far back as 1855. Each man resides on his claim, for 
which he holds a patent given him by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. 
Many live in frame houses, the most of which were built at the exjiense 
of their occupants. 



CHAPTER II. 
THE STATE. 

§ 6. "A state," said Maj. J. W. Powell, in his presidential address to 
tbe Anthropological Society of Washington, in 1882, " is a body politic, 
an organized gronp of men with an established government, and a 
body of determined law. In the organization of societies nuits of dif- 
ferent orders are discovered." Among the Omahas and other ti'ibes of 
the Sionan family, the primary unit is the gens or clan, which is com- 
posed of a number of consauguinei, claiming descent from a common an- 
cestor, and having a common taboo or taboos. But starting from the 
tribe or state as a whole, we find among the Omahas two half tribes of 
five gentes each, the first called " Hauga-cenu," and the second, "Icta- 
sanda." (See § 10.) These half-tribes do not seem to be phratries, as 
they do not possess the rights of the latter as stated by Morgan : the 
Uaiigacenu gentes never meet by themselves apart from the Icta-sanda 
gentes. 

IS^ext to the half-tribes are the gentes, of which the Omahas have ten. 
Each gens in turn is divided into " ujjig^asne," or subgentes. The 
nnmber of the latter varies, at present, according to the particular 
gens; though the writer has found traces of the existence of four sub- 
gentes in each gens in former days. The subgentes seem to be com- 
posed of a number of groups of a still lower order, which are provision- 
ally termed "sections." The existence of sections among the Omahas 
had been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim 
that they are real units of the lowest order. We find among the Tito"- 
wa" Dakotas, many of these groups, which were originally sections, but 
which have at length become gentes, as the marriage laws do not afiect 
the higher groups, the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes. 

The Ponka chiefs who were in Washington in 1880, claimed that in 
their tribe there used to be eight gentes, one of which has become 
extinct; and that now there are ten, thi-ee subgentes having become 
gentes in recent times. According to Mr. Joseph La Fl^che, a Ponka by 
birth, who spent his boyhood with the tribe, there are but seven gentes, 
one having become extinct ; while the Wajaje and Nuqe, which are now 
the sixth and seventh gentes, were originally one. For a fuller discus- 
sicu of the gentes see the next chapter. 

The state, as existing among the Omahas and cognate tribes, may be 
termed a kinship state, that is, one in which "governmental functions 
are performed by men whose positions in the government are deter- 
mined by kinship, and rules relating to kinship and the reproduction of 

(215) 



216 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

the species constitute the larger body of the law. The law regulates 
marriage and the rights and duties of the several members of a body of 
kindred to each other. Individuals are held responsible," chiefly " to 
their kindred; and certain gToups of kindred are held responsible," in 
some cases, " to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as 
the distribution of game taken from the forest or fish from the sea, is re- 
gulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve the considerations 
of kinship," to a certain extent. (See Chapter XII, § 303.) 



DIFFEEENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE. 

§ 7. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions have not been 
differentiated. (See Government, Chapter XI.) 

Whether the second mode of differentiation has taken place among 
the Omahas, and Justin the order described by Major Powell, is an open 
question. This mode is thus stated : " Second, by the multiplication 
of the orders O'f units and the specialization of the subordinate units so 
that subordinate organizations perform special functions. Thus cities 
may be divided into wards, counties into towns." Subgentes, as well 
as gentes, were necessary among the Omahas for marriage purposes, as 
is shown in §§ 57, 78, etc. The recent tendency has been to centi'aliza- 
tion or consolidation, whereas there are strong reasons for believing that 
each gens had four subgentes at the first ; several subgentes having 
become few in number of persons have been united to the remaining 
and more powerful subgentes of their respective gentes. 

The third mode of differentiations of organs in the State is " by mul- 
tiplication of corporations for specific purposes." The writer has not 
yet been able to find any traces of this mode among the Omahas and 
cognate tribes. 

§ 8. Two classes of organization are fouud in the constitution of the 
State, " those relating directly to the government, called major organ- 
izations, and those relating indirectly to the government, called minor 
organizations." The former embraces the State classes, the latter, cor- 
l)orations. 



STATE CLASSES. 

. These have not been clearly differentiated. Three classes of men have 
been recognized: Nikag^hi, wauiice, and c6nujiii'ga. 

In civil affairs, the nikagahi are the chiefs, exercising legislative, ex- 
ecutive, and judicial functions. They alone have a voice in the tribal 
assembly, which is comi)osed of them. The wanace, policemen, or braves, 
are the servants or messengers of the chiefs, and during the surround- 



DORSEY.I STATE CLASSES. 217 

ing of a herd of buffalo, tliey have extraordinary powers conferred ou 
them. (See §§ 140 and 297.) 

The cenujinga, or young men, are the "common people," such as have 
not distinguished themselves, either in war or in any other way. They 
have no voice in the assembly, and during the buffalo hunt they must 
obey the chiefs and wanace. 

In rehgious affairs, which are closely associated with civil ones, we 
lind the chiefs having a prominent part. Besides the chiefs proper are 
the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, or pipes of peace (see §§ 14-19. 
287, 296), and the keepers of the three sacred tents (see §§ 13, 22-24, 
36, 295). The functions of these keepers of the sacred tents, especially 
those of the two Haiiga men, appear to be both religious and civil. Of 
these two men, ^ja(J;i°-na"paji said : " The two old men, Waka^'-ma^fi" 
and j^e-ha^'ma^fi", are the real governors of the tribe, and are counted 
as gods. They are reverenced by all, and men frequently give them 
presents. They mark the tattooed women." Frank La Flfeche denied 
this, saying that these two old men are the servants of the Haiiga chief, 
being only the keepers of the sacred tents of his gens. J. La Fl^che 
and Two Crows said that while there were some "nikaci'^ga qub^," 
sacred or mysterious men, among the Omahas, they did not know who 
they were. Some of the chiefs and people respect them, but others 
despise them. It is probable that by nikaci''ga qube, they meant ex- 
orcists or conjurers, rather than priests, as the former pretend to be 
" qube," mysterious, and to have supernatural communications. 

There is no military class or gens among the Omahas, though the 
Ponka <f!isida gens, and ]>art of the Nikadaona gens are said to be war- 
riors. Among the Omahas, both the captains and warriors must be taken 
from the class of cenujiiiga, as the chiefs are afraid to undertake the work 
of the captains. The chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the 
people, cannot serve as captains or even as subordinate ofQcers of a war 
party. IS or can they join such a party unless it be a large one. Their 
influence is exerted on the side of peace (see §§ 191, 292), and they try 
to save the lives of murderers. (See § 310.) They conduct peace ne 
gotiations between contending tribes. (See §§ 220, 292.) 

All the members of a war party, including the captains, lieutenants, 
and wanace, as well the warriors, are promoted to the grade or class of 
(civil) wanace on their return from battle. (See § 216.) 



There are no slaves ; but there are several kinds of servants called 
wagAq^a". In civil and religious affairs, the following are wagiiq(fa". 
The two keepers of the Hanga sacred tents are the servants of the 
Hauga chief. (See above, § 295, etc.) One of these old men is always 
the servant of the other though they exchange places. (See § 151.) 
The keepers of the sacred pipes are the servants of the chiefs. (See §5 
17-19). The (patada Qujja man is the servant of the keepers of the 



218 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

sacred tents. (See § 143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit'ajl men are serv- 
ants of the Weji"cte gens, acting as such in the sacred tent. (See §§ 
23, 24.) Some of the Iulie-sab6 men are the servants of the HaSga 
when tliey act as criers (see §§ 130, 136, etc.), and so is a ga^ze man 
(§ 152). The wanace are the servants of the chiefs. The wagfa or 
messengers acting as criers for a feast are the servants of the giver of 
the feast for the time being. 

In military affairs, the following are servants : The men who act as 
wag^a for the preliminary feast ; the men who carry the baggage of 
the captains and wait on them ; the bearer of the kettle ; the bearers of 
the sacred bags when there is a large party ; the special followers of 
each captain, including his lieutenant, the followers or warriors being 
about equally divided between the captains ; and the wanace or police- 
men. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.) 

Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and 
rank in the state by becoming " wacuce," or brave, either in war or by 
the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving offcasts. (See § 224.) 



CORPORATIONS. 

Corporations are minor organizations, which are indirectly related to 
the government, though they do not constitute a part of it. 

The Omahas are organized into certain societies for religious, indus- 
trial, and other ends. There are two kinds, the IkAgeki(j;6 or brother- 
hoods, and the tjkikune^6, or feasting organizations. The former are 
the dancing societies, to some of which the doctors belong. A fuller 
description of them will be found in Chapter X. 

The industrial organization of the state will be discussed in Chapters 
VII, VIIT, IX, X, and XI. 



CHAPTER III. 
THK GEKTILE SYSTEM. 

TRIBAL CIRCLES. 

§ 9. Tu former clays, whenever a lai-ge camping ground could not be 
found, the Poukas used to encamp in three concentric circles; while the 
Omahas, who were a smaller tribe, pitched their tents in two similar 
circles. This custom gave lise to the name " O.yate yamni," The Three 
Nations, as the Poukas were styled by the Dakotas, and the Omahas 
became known as the Two Nations. But the usual order of eucami)- 
ment has been to pitch all the tents in one large circle or horseshoe, 
called "hu(j;uga" by the Indians. In this circle the gentes took their 
regular places, disregarding their gentile circles, and pitching the tents, 
one after another, within the area necessary for each gens. This circle 
was not made by measurement, nor did any one give directions where 
each tent should be placed ; that was left to the women. 

When the people built a village of earth-lodges, and dwelt in it, they 
did not observe this order of camping. Each man caused his lodge to 
be built wherever he wished to have it, generally near those of his kind- 
red. But whenever the whole tribe migrated with the skin tents, as 
when they went after the buffaloes, they observed this order. (See 
§ 133.) 

Sometimes the tribe divided into two parties, some going in one di- 
rection, some in another. On such occasions the regular order of camp- 
ing was not observed ; each man encamped near his kindred, whether 
they were maternal or paternal consanguinities. 

The crier used to tell the people to what place they were to go, and 
when they reached it the women began to pitch the tents. 



THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE. 

§ 10. The road along which they passed divided the tribal circle into 
two equal parts ; five gentes camped on the right of it and five pitched 
their tents on its left. Those on the right were called the Hangacenu, 
and the others were known as the Ictasanda. The Haiigaceuu gentes 
are as follows : W^ji^cte, Ink6-sdb6, Haii'ga, (fatada, and ^ja^'ze. The 
Ictasanda gentes are as follows : Ma°'(^iLika-g^xe, j^e-sin'de, j,a-dii, 
Ing^e-jide, and Ictdsanda. 

According to \Vaha°^iuge, the chief of the j,e-8inde gens, there used 

(219) 



220 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



to be one buBdred and thirty-three tents pitched by the Haugacenu, 
and one hundred and forty-seven by the Ictasanda. This was probably 
the case when they went on the hunt the last time, in 1871 or 1872. 




Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal ciicle. 



EaSgacenu gentes. 



Ictasanda ge.\tes. 



F. Mafi^iflka-gaxe. 

G. xeslnde. 
H. la da. 

L IBg<:e-jid6. 
K. Ictasanda. 



A. Weji'cte, or Elk. 

B. liike-sabe. 

C. HaDga. 

D. (fatada: 

a. Wasabe-hit'ajl. 
h. "Wajiiiga-^iatajl. 

c. xe-da-it'ajl. 

d. se-'i". 

E. Ha»ze. 



The sacred teDts of the Weji''cte and Ha&ga gentes are designated by appropriate figures ; so also 
are the seven f,ente3 which keep the sacred pipes. The diameter of the circle represents the road 
traveled by the tribe, A and K forming the gentes in the van. 

RULES FOB PITCHING THE TENTS. 

§ 11. Though they did not measure the distances, each woman knew 
■where to pitch her tent. Thus a ga^ze woman who saw a Weji°cte tent set 
up, knew that her tent must be pitched at a certain distance from that part 
of the circle, and at or near the opposite end of the road or diameter of 
the circle. When two tents were pitched too far apart one womau said 
to the other, " Pitch the tent a little closer." Or, if they were too close, 
she said, " Pitch the tent further away." So also if the tents of neigh- 
boring gentes were too far apart or too close together. In the first case 
the women of one gens iniglit say, " Move along a little, and give us 
more room." In the other they might say, " Come back a little, as there 
is too mucli space betweeu us." When the end gentes, Weji"cte and 



DonsET] TRIBAL CIRCLE SACRED TENTS. 221 

Ictasauda, were too far apart there was sometimes dauger of attacks of 
enemies. On one occasion tbe Dakotas made a dash into the very midst 
of the circle and did much damage, because the space between these 
two geutes was too great. But at other times, when there is no fear of 
an attack, and when the women wish to dress hides, etc., the crier said : 
"Halloo ! Make ye them over a large tract of land." This is the only 
occasion when the command is given how to pitch the tents. 

When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes encamped in re- 
verse order, the Weji^cte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at 
the end of the circle nearest home. 

There appear indications that there were special areas, not only for 
the gentes, but even for the subgentes, all members of any subgcns 
having their lodges set up in the same area. Thus, in the Iiike-sab6 
gens, there are some that camped next the Weji°cte, and others next 
the Haiiga ; some of the Haiiga camped next the Iiike-sab6, and others 
next the ^atada, and so on. (See §73.) 

§ 12. Within the circle were placed the horses, as a precaution against 
attacks from enemies. When a man had many horses and wished to 
have them near him, he generally camped within the circle, apart from 
his gens, but this custom was of modern origin, and was the exception 
to the rule. 



THE SACRED TENTS. 

§ 13. The three sacred tents were pitched within the circle and near 
their respective gentes : that of the Weji^cte is the war tent, and it was 
placed not more than 50 yards from its gens ; those of the Haiiga gens 
are connected with the regulation of the buffalo hunt, etc.; or, we may 
say that the former had to do with the protection of life and the latter 
with the sustenance of life, as they used to depend mainly on the hunt 
for food, clothing, and means of shelter. 



THE SACRED PIPES 

§ 14. All the sacred pipes belong to the Haiiga gens, though HaQga, 
in ancient times, appointed the liikesabg gens as the custodian of 
them. (J. La Flfeche and Two Crows.) The liike sab6 gens, however, 
claims through its chief, Gahige, to have been the first owner of the 
pipes; but this is doubtful. There are at present but two sacred 
pipes in existence among the Omahas, though there are seven gentes 
which are said to possess sacred pipes. These seven are as follows: 
Three of the HaiJgacenu, the luke-sabe, (patada, and ^ja^ze, and four 
of the Ictasanda, the Maofinka-gaxe, xe-sinde, x^^a, and Ictasanda. 



222 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

The two sacred pipes still in existence are kept by the Inke-sabg gens. 
These pipes are called "Niniba waqtibe," Sacred Pipes, or "Niniba 
jide," lied Pipes. They aie made of the red pipestone which is found 
in the famous red pipestone quarry. The stems are nearly flat and are 
worked near the mouth-piece with porcupine quills. 

VHIGE'S ACCOCNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES. 

§ 15. Gahige, of the Ifikesabg gens, said that his gens had the seven 
pipes at the first, and caused them to be. distributed among the other 
gentes. He named as the seven gentes who had the pipes, the follow- 
ing: 1. Inkesabfi; 2. j^e-da-it'aji sub-gens of the (patada; 3. Ma''(|;iuka- 
gaxe; 4. j^R-dn; 5. j^e-amde; 6. Ictasanda; 7. Hauga {sic). In order 
to reach the Haiiga again the seven old men had to go partly around 
the circle a second time. These are the gentes that had pipes and 
chiefs at the first. The chiefs of the three remaining gentes, the We- 
ji^cte, 5ia"zr, and liig^e-jide, were not made for years afterward. He 
also said that the bufialo skull given to the jjC-da-ifaji was regarded as 
equivalent to a sacred pipe. 

The writer is inclined to think that there is some truth in what Gahige 
has said, though he cannot accept all of his statement. Gahige gives 
one pipe to the Hauga gens ; Two Grows intimated that his gens was 
the virtual keeper of a pipe. But A^ba-hebe's story shows that it was 
not a real pipe, but the firebrand for lighting the pipes. In like man- 
ner, jLeda-it'aji has not a real pipe, but the butfalo skull, which is con- 
sidered as a pipe. Hence, it may be that the men who are called 
" keeper's of the pipes " in the ^a^ze, Ma°(J;iiika-gaxe, X'^^a, j^e-sinde, 
and Ictasanda gentes never had real pii)es but certain objects which 
are held sacred, and have some connection with the two pipes kept by 
the Iuke-sab6. 

ABBA-HEBE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TKADITION OF THE PIPES. 

§16. The following is the tradition of the sacred pij^es, according to 
A'^ba-hebe, the aged historian of the Omahas: 

The old meu made seven pipes and carried tliem around the tribal circle. They 
first reached Weji^cte, who sat there as a male elk, and was frightful to behold, so 
the old men did not give him a pipe. Passing on to the liike-sabC, they gave the first 
pipe to the head of that gens. Next they came to Hauga, to whom they handed a 
firebrand, saying, "Do thou keep the firebrand," i. c, "You are to thrust it into the 
pipe-bowls." Therefore it is the duty of Hauga to light the pipes for the chiefs (sic). 
When they reached the Bear people they feared them because they sat there with the 
sacred bag of black bear-skin, so they did not give them a pipe. The Blackbird people 
received no pipe because they sat with the sacred bag of bird-skins and feathers. 
And the old meu feared the Turtle people, who had made a big turtle on the ground, 
so they passed thoDi by. But when they saw the Eagle people they gave them a 
pipe because they did not fear them, and the buifalo was good. (Others say that the 
Eagle jicople had started ofl' in anger when they found themselves slighted, but the 
old men pursued them, and on overtaking them they handed them a bladder filled with 
tobacco, and also a butJ'alo skull, saying, " Keep this skull as a sacred thing." This 



DORSEY] THE SACRED PIPES. 223 

appeased them, and they rejoined the tribe.) Next the old men saw the jja^ze, itart 
of whom were good, and part were bad. To the good ones they gave a pipe. The 
Ma^^iuka-gaxe people were the next gens. They, too, ivero divided, half being bad. 
These bad ones had some stones at the front of their lodge, and they colored these 
stones, as well as their hair, orange-red. They wore plumes (hi"qpe) in their hair 
(and a branch of cedar wrapped around their heads. — La Flfeche), and were awful 
to behold. So the old men passed ou to the good ones, to whom they gave the 
fourth pipe. Then they reached the x^-slndc, half of whom made sacred a buffalo, 
and are known as those who eat not the lowest rib. >lalf of these were good, and they 
received the fifth pipe. All of the x*-<I* (A^ba-hebe's own gens !) were good, and they 
obtained the sixth pipe. The Iiiig(fe-jide took one whole side of a buffalo, and stuck 
it up, leaving the red body but partially buried in the ground, after making a tent 
of the skin. They who carried the pipes around were afraid of tbeuj, so they did not 
give them one. Last of all they came to the Ictasanda. These people wore disobe- 
dient, destitute of food, and averse to staying long in one place. As the men who had 
the pipes wished to stop this, they gave the seventh pipe to the fourth subgens of the 
Ictasanda, and since then the members of this gens have behaved themselves. 

J. La Flfeche and Two Crows say that " Weji°cte loved his waqube, 
the rni^asi, or coyote, and so he did uot wish a pipe " which pertained to 
peace. " Hanga does not light the pipes for the chiefs ", that is, he does 
not always light the pipes. 

§ 17. The true division of labor appears to be as follows : Haiiga was 
the source of the sacred pipes, and has a right to all, as that gens had 
the first authority. Hanga is therefore called " I(j;ig(J'a"'qti ak6," as he 
does what he i>leases with the pipes. Hanga told Iiike-sabg to carry 
the pipes around the tribal circle ; so that is why the seven old men did 
so. And as Hanga directed it to be done, liike-sabfi is called " Aijsi"' ak6," 
The Keeper. Ictasanda fills the pipes. When the Ictasanda man who 
attends to this duty does not come to the council tbe pipes cannot be 
smoked, as no one else can fill them. This man, who knows the ritual, 
sends all the others out of the lodge, as they must not hear the ancient 
words. He utters some words when he cleans out the pipe-bowl, others 
when he fills the pipe, etc. He does uot always require the same amount 
of time to perform this duty. Then all return to the lodge. Haitga, or 
rather a member of that gens, lights the pipes, except at the time of the 
greasing of the sacred pole, when he, not Ictasanda, fills the pipes, and 
some one else lights them for him. (See § 152.) These three gentes, 
Hanga, liakesabg, and Ictasanda, are the only rulers among the keep- 
ers of the sacred pipes. The other keepers are inferior ; though said to 
be keepers of sacred pipes, the pipes are not manifest. 

These seven niniba waqube are peace pipes, but the uiniba waqube of 
the Weji°cte is the war pipe. 

§ IS. The two sacred pipes kept by Inke-sab6 are used on various cer- 
emonial occasions. When the chiefs assemble and wish to make a de- 
cision for the regulation of tribal affitirs, Ictasanda fills both pipes and 
lays them down before the two head chiefs. Then the inke sabe keeper 
takes one and the x^ cl^ it'aji keeper the other. liikesabS precedes, 
starting from the head chief sitting on the right and passing around 



224 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



half of the circle till he reaches an old man seated opposite the head chief. 
This old man (one of the HaQga wag^a) and the head chief are the only 
ones who smoke the pipe ; those sitting between them do not smoke it 
when luke-sabe goes around. When the old man has finished smoking 
Inkesal)6 takes the pipe again and continues around the circle to the 
starting-point, but he gives it to each man to smoke. When he reaches 
the head chief on the left he gives it to him, and after receiving it from 
him he returns it to the place on the ground before the head chiefs. 

When liike-sabg reaches the old man referred to x^-da-ii'aji starts from 
the head chiefs with the other pipe, which he hands to each one, in- 
cluding those sitting between the second head chief and the old man. 
j^e-daifaji always keeps behind liike sab6 just half the circumference of 
the circle, and when he receives the pipe from the head chief on the left he 
returns it to its place beside the other. Then, after the smoking is over, 
Ictasanda takes the pipes, overturns them to empty out the ashes, and 
cleans the bowjs by thrusting in a stick. (See §§ 111, 130, 296, etc.) 

In smoking they blew the smoke 
upwards, saying, "Here, Wakanda, 
is the smoke." This was done be- 
cause they say that Wakanda gave 
them the jiipes, and He rules over 
them. 

§19. Frank La Fl^che told the 
following : 

The sacred pipes are not shown to the 
common people. When my father was 
about to be installed ahead chief, Mahi°-zi, 
whose duty it was to fill the pipes, let one 
of them fall to the ground, violating a law, 
and so preventing the continuation of the 
ceremony. So my father was not fully in- 
itiated. When the later fall was partly 
The sec- gQug Mahi"-zi died. 




of tlie cliiefs 



iu the tribal 



Fig. 13.— Pla 

assembly. 
A— Tho IJrst head cliief. on the left. 
oncl bead ciiief, on f he rifiht. C. — The two Haiig.. 
wajifa, one being the old man whom liilie-sabs Waouce, my father-in-law, was the Inke- 

causes to smoke tho pipe. D. — lho place where .., i^v , ^ .-i ^;„„„ titv.^,. «-i,« n#-no 

the two pipes are laii. The chiefs sit aronnd in sab6 keepf r of the pipes. When the Otos 
a circle. E.— The giver of the feast. visited tho Omahas (in the summer of 

187ti), the chiefs wished the pipes to be taken out of the coverings, so they ordered 
Wacuce to undo the bag. This was unlawful, as the ritual prescribed certain words 
to be said by the chiefs to the keeper of the pipes previous to the opening of the bag. 
But none of the seven chiefs know the formula. Wacuce was unwilling to break the 
law; but the chiefs insisted, and he yielded. Then Two Crows told all the Omahas 
present not to smoke tho small pipe. This he had a right to do, as he was a Hauga. 
Wacuce soon died, and in a short time he was followed by his daughter and his eldest 
sou. 

It takes four days to make any one understand all about the laws of the sacred 
pipes ; and it costs many horses. A bad man, i. e., one who is saucy, quarrelsome 
stingy, etc., cannot be told such things. This was the reason why the seven chiefs 
did not know their part of the ritual. 



SACRED PIPES THE ELK GENS. 225 



LAW OF MEMBERSHIP. 



§ 20. A child belongs to its father's gens, as " father-right " has suc- 
ceeded " mother-right." But childreu of white or black men are as- 
signed to the gentes of their mothers, and they cannot marry anj- women 
of those gentes. A stranger cannot belong to any gens of the tribe, 
there being no ceremony of adoption into a gens. 



THE WEJrCTE OR ELK GENS. 

§ 21. This gens occupies the first place in the tribal cii'cles, pitching 
its tents at one of the horns or extremities, not far from the Ictasanda 
gens, which camps at the other end. When the ancient chieftainship 
was abolished in 1880, Mahi"-fiiige was the chief of this gens, having 
succeeded Joseph La Fleche in 1865. 

The word "Weji°cte" cannot be translated, as the meaning of this 
archaic word has been forgotten. It may have some connection with 
" waji^'cte," to he in a had humor, but we have no means of ascertaining 
this. 

La Flfeche and Two Crows said that there were no subgentes in this 
gens. But it seems probable that in former days there were subgentes 
in each gens, while in the course of time changes occurred, owing to 
decrease in numbers and the advent of the white men. 

Tahoo. — The members of this gens are afraid to touch any part of the 
male elk, or to eat its flesh ; and they cannot eat the flesh of the male 
deer. Should they accidentally violate this custom they say that they 
are sure to break out in boils and white spots on different parts of the 
body. But when a member of this gens dies he is buried in moccasins 
made of deer skin. 

Style of wearing the hair. — The writer noticed that Bi°ze-tigfe, a boy 
of this gens, had his hair next the forehead standing erect, and that 
back of it was brushed forward till it projected beyond the former. A 
tuft of hair at the back extended about 3 inches below the head. This 
style of wearing the hair prevails only among the smaller children as 
a rule ; men and women do not observe it. 

Some say that 'A"-wega°(fa is the head of those who join in the wor- 
ship of the thunder, but his younger brother, Qaga-ma"(j;i", being a more 
active man, is allowed to have the custody of the Iug^'a°('e and the 
Iiig(fa°haiigac'a. J. La Fleche and Two Crows said that this might be 
so; but they did not know about it. Nor could they or my other in- 
formants tell the meaning of irig((;a"(j;e and lug^a^haiigac'a. Perhaps 
they refer either to the wild-cat (iiig(j;ariga), or to the thunder (iiigifa"). 
Compare the Ictasanda "keepers of the claws of a wild-cat." 
3 E'lH — 15 



226 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§22. The sacred ienf. — The sacred tent of the Elk gens is consecrated 
to war, and scalps are given to it, but are not fastened to it, as some 
have asserted. Bf.a"ti used to be the keeper of it, but he has resigned 
the charge of it to the ex-chief, Mahi" (fiiige. 

The place of this sacred tent is within the tribal circle, and near the 
camping jilace of the gens. This tent contains one of the wa(|;ixabe, a 
sacred bag, made of the feathers and skin of a bird, and consecrated to 
war. (See § 196.) There is also another sacred bag in this tent, that 
which holds the sacred ^ihaba or clam shell, the bladder of a male elk 
filled with tobacco, and the sacred pipe of the gens, the tribal war pipe, 
which is made of red pipestoue. The ^ihaba is about nine inches in 
diameter, and about four inches thick. It is kept iu a bag of bufl'alo 
hide which is never placed on the ground. In ancient days it was car- 
ried on the back of a youth, but in modern times, when a man could not 
be induced to carry it, it was put with its buflalo-skin bag into the skin 
of a coyote, and a woman took it on her back. When the tribe is not 
in motion the bag is hung ou a cedar stick about five feet high, which 
had been i^lanted in the ground. The bag is fastened with some of the 
sinew of a male elk, and cannot be opened except by a member of the 
Wasabe-hit'aji sub-gens of the (fatada. (See § 45, etc.) 

§ 23. Service of the scouts. — When a man walks in dread of some un- 
seen danger, or when there was an alarm in the camp, a crier went 
around the tribal circle, saying, "Maja"' i^6gasafiga t6 wi ^^i"he-f !" I 
icho move am he icho will know what is the matter with the land! {i. 
e., I will ascertain the cause of the alarm.) Then the chiefs assembled 
in the war tent, and about fifty or sixty young men went thither. The 
chiefs directed the Elk people to make the young men smoke the sacred 
pipe of the Elk gens four times, as those who smoked it were compelled 
to tell the truth. Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out 
the pipe and the elk bladder, after untying the elk sinew, removed some 
of the tobacco from the pouch (elk bladder), which the Elk men dare 
not touch, and handed the pipe with the tobacco to the Elk man, wiio 
filled it and lighted it. They did not smoke with this pipe to the four 
wiuds, nor to the sky and ground. The Elk man gave the pipe to one 
of the bravest of the young men, whom he wished to be the leader of 
the scouts. After all had smoked the scouts departed. They ran around 
the tribal circle and then left the camp. When they had gone about 
20 miles they sat down, and the leader selected a number to act as po- 
licemen, saying, " I make you policemen. Keep the men iu order. Do 
not desire them to go aside." If there were many scouts, about eight 
were made policemen. Sometimes there were two, three, or four leaders 
of the scouts, and occasionally they sent some scouts in advance to 
distant bluffs. The leaders followed witli the main body. When they 
reached home the young men scattered, but the leaders went to the Elk 
tent and reported what they had ascertained. They made a detour, iu 
order to avoid encountering the foe, and sometimes thej' v. ere obliged 



D01.8EY] THE ELK GENS. 227 

to flee to reach home. This service of the young men was considered 
as equivalent to going ou the war path. 

§ 24. Worshqy of the thunder in the spring.— When the first thunder is 
heard in the spring of the year the Elk people call to their servants, 
the Bear people, who proceed to the sacred tent of the Elk gens. When 
the Bear people arrive one of them opens the sacred bag, and, after re- 
moving the sacred pipe, hands it to one of the Elk men, with some of 
the tobacco from the elk bladder. Before the pipe is smoked it is held 
toward the sky, and the thunder god is addressed. Joseph La FIfeche 
and Two Crows do not know the formula, but they said that the follow- 
ing one, given me by a member of the Ponka Hisada (Wasabe-hit'aji) 
gens, may be correct. The thunder god is thus addressed by the Pon- 
kas : " Well, venerable man, by your striking (with your club) you are 
frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high. 
According to j£4^i"na°p^ji, one of the Wasabe-hit'aji, who has acted as 
a servant for the Elk people, "At the conclusion of this ceremony the 
rain always ceases, and the Bear people return to their homes." But 
this is denied by Joseph La Flfeche and Two Crows, who say, " How is 
it possible for them to stop the rain ? " 

While the Elk gens is associated with the war path, and the worship 
of the thunder god, who is invoked by war chiefs, those war chiefs are 
not always members of this gens, but when the warriors return, the 
keeper of the sacred bag of this gens compels them to speak the truth 
about their deeds. (See § 214.) 

§ 25. Birth names of boys. — The following are the birth names of boys 
in the Elk gens. These are sacred or nikie names, and sons used to 
be so named in former days according to the order of their births. For 
example, the first-born son was called the Soft Horn (of the young elk 
at its first appearance). The second. Yellow Horn (of the young elk 
when a little older). The ne.^t, the Branching Horns (of an elk three 
years old). The fourth, the Four Horns (of an elk four years old). The 
fifth, the Large Pronged Horns (of an elk six or seven years old). The 
sixth, the Dark Horns (of a grown elk in summer). The seventh, the 
Standing White Horns, in the distance {i. e., those of a grown elk in 
winter). 

Other proper names. — The following are the other nikie^ names of 

3. Nikie names are thoae referriiig to a mythical ancestor, to some part of his body, 
to some of his acts, or to some ancient rite which may have been established by him. 
Nikie names are of several kinds, (a.) The seven birth names for each sex. (b.) 
Other nikie names, not birth names, but peculiar to a single gens, (e.) Names 
common to two or more gentes. There are two explanations of the last case. All 
the gentes using the same name may have had a common mythical ancestor or a 
mythical ancestor of the same species or genus. Among the Osages and Kansas 
there are gentes that exchange names ; and it is probable that the custom has ex- 
isted among the Omahas. Some of these gentes that exchange names are those 
which have the same sacred songs. 
The following law about nikie names has been observed by the Omahas : 
There must never be more than one person in agens bearing any particular male name. 



228 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

tlie Elk gens : Elk. Young Elk. Standing Elk. White Elk (near by). 
Big Elk. 'A'^-wega^cfa (meaning uncertain). B^a''-ti, The odor of the 
dung or urine of the elk is wafted by the wind (said of any jilace where the 
elk may have been ). (A young elk) Cries Suddenly. Hidaha (said to mean 
Treads on the ground in walking, or, Passes over what is at the bottom). 
Iron Eyes (of an elk). Bullet-shaped Dung (of an elk). (Elk) Is coming 
back — fleeing from a man whom he met. Muscle of an elk's leg. Elk 
comes back suddenly (meeting the hunter face to face). (Elk) Turns 
round and round. No Knife or No Stone (probably referring to the 
tradition of the discovery of four kinds of stone). Dark Breast (of an 
elk). Deer lifts its head to browse. Yellow Eump (of an elk). Walking 
Full-grown Elk. (Elk) Walks, making long strides, swaying from side to 
side. Stumpy Tail (of an elk). Forked Horn (of a deer). Water-monster. 
The Brave Weji°cte (named after his gens). Women^s names. — Female 
Elk. Tail Female. Black Moose (?) Female. Big Second-daughter (any 
gens can have it). Sacred Third-daughter (Elk and liike-sabfe gentes). 
Iron-eyed Female (Elk and Hauga gentes). Land Female (Elk and 
^atada gentes). Moon that Is-traveling (Elk, liike-sabf , Hauga, <|Jatada, 
and 5£a"ze gentes) ; iSra°-ze-i"-ze, meaning uncertain (Elk, (JJatada, and 
Deer gentes). Ninda-wi" (Elk, (f atada, and Ictasanda gentes). Namen 
of ridicule. — Dog. Crazed by exposui-e to heat. Good Buffalo. 

§ 20. According to xe-da-u^iqaga, the chief A^pa^-ijaiiga, the younger, 
had a boat and flag painted on the outside of his skin tent. These were 
made " qube," sacred, but were not nikie, because they were not trans- 
mitted from a mythical ancestor. 

§ 27. This gens has furnished several head chiefs since the death of 
the famous Black Bird. Among these were A°pa°-sk3 (head chief after 
ISOO), A"pa"-;auga, the elder, the celebrated Big Elk, mentioned by 
Long and other early travelers, and A°pa°-^auga, the younger. On the 
death of the last, about A. D. 1853, Joseph La Fleche succeeded him 
as a head chief. 



THE INKE-SABfi, OR BLACK SHOULDER GENS. 

§28. This is a Buffalo gens, and its place in the tribal circle is next to 
that of the Elk gens. The head chiefs of this gens in 1880 were Gahige 

For iustauce, when, in any househokl, a child is named Wasabe-jiuga, that name can- 
not be given to any uew-boru child of that gens. But when the first bearer of the name 
changes his name or dies, another boy can receive the name Wasabe-jinga. As that 
is one of the seven birth names of the Wasabe-hit'ajl it suggests a reason for having 
extra uilfie names in the gens. This second kind of nikie names may have been birth 
names, resorted to because the original birth names were already used. This law ap- 
plies in some degree to girls' names, if parents know that a girl in the gens has a certain 
name they cannot give that name to their daughter. But should that uame be chosen 
through iguorancc, the two girls must be distinguished by adding to their own names 
those of their resiicctive fathers. 



i-OK-Ey.| THE INKE-SABE GENS. 229 

(wlio died iu 18S2), aud Duba-ma"(fi", who "sat on ojiposite sides of 
the gentile ^/-ej^^rtce." Gahige's predecessor was Gahige-jinga or Icka- 
dabi. 

Creation myth, told by Gahige. — The first men created were seven 
in number. Thej- were all made at one time. Afterwards seven women 
were made for them. At that time there were no gentes ; all the people 
were as one gens. (Joseph La Fieche and Two Crows never heard 
this, aud the following was new to them:) 

Mythical origin of the liike-sabe, as related by Gahige. — The luke- 
sabe were buflaloes, and dwelt under the surface of the water. When 
they came to the surface they jumped about in the water, making it 
muddy; hence the birth-name for the first son, Ni-gaqude. Having 
reached the laud they snuS'ed at the four winds and prayed to them. 
The north and west winds were good, but the south and east winds were 
bad. 

§ 29. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days, 
when any member of the gens was near death, he was wrapped in a 
bufialo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the privi- 
leged decoration. Then the dying person was addressed thus : " You are 
going to the animals (the buffaloes). You are going to rejoiu your ances- 
tors. (Ani^a diibaha hue. Wackaii'-ga, ('. e.) You are going, or. Your 
four souls are going, to the four winds. Be strong ! " All the members 
of this gens, whether male or female, were thus attired and spoken to 
when they were dying. (La Fieche and Two Crows say that uothiug is 
said about four souls, and that " Wackah-ga" is not said; but all the 
rest may be true. See § 35 for a similar custom.) The " hailga-iii'a°ze," 
or privileged decoration, referred to above and elsewhere in this mono- 
graph, is made among theOmahasbypaiuting two parallel lines across 
the forehead, two on each cheek and two under the nose, one being 
above the upper lip aud the other between the lower lip and the 
chin. 

§30. When the tribe weut on the buffalo hunt and could get skins 
for tents it was customary to decorate the outside of the principal IQke- 
sab6 tent, as follows, according to j^e-da-u^-iqaga: Three circles were 
painted, one on each side of the entrance fo the tent, and one at the 
back, opposite the eutrance. Inside each of these was paiuted a buffalo- 
head. Above each circle was a pipe, ornamented with eagle feathers. 

Frank La Fleche's sketch is of the regular peace pipe ; but his father 
drew the calumet pipe, from which the duck's head had been taken and 
the pipe-bowl substituted, as duriug the dancing of the Hedewatci. (See 
§§ 49 aud 153.) 

A model of the principal xe-da-it'aji tent, decorated by a native artist, 
was exhibited by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, at the session of the American 
Associatioii/at Montreal iu 1882. It is now at the Peabody Museum. 

Iftke-sabe style of wearing the hair. — The smaller bo.\s have their hair 
cut iu this style. A A, the horns of the buffalo, being two locks of 



230 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

hair about two inches long. B is a fringe of hair all around the head. 
It is about two inches long. The rest of the head is shaved bare. 




Frank La Fleche's sketch of the Ifike-sabe tent, as he saw it when he went on the buffalo 
hunt. 

§ 31. Suhgentes and Taboos. — Thei'e has evidently been a change in 
the subgentes since the advent of the white man. In 1878, the writer 
was told by several, including La Fleche, that there were then three sub- 
gentes in existence, Wa(|'igije, Wata'"zijide (fati^ji, and Naqfe-it'abiiji ; 
a the fourth, or Ieki(J'e, having become extinct. 

Now (1882), La Fleche and Two Crows give the 
three subgentes as follows: 1. '\Ya((-igije; 2. 
Niniba t'a"; 3. (a part of 2) lekife. The second 
subgens is now called by them "^Yata"'zi■ji'de 
[b (J'ati'iji and Naqf.e it'abaji." "jja"(fi"-na"ba and 
Nagu or Waif-anase are the only sui'vivors of the 
real Niniba-t'a", Keepers of the Sacred Pipes." 
(Are not these the true Naq^'e-it'abaji, They 
who cannot touch charcoal? I. e., it is not their 
place to touch a fire-brand or the ashes left in 
the sacred pipes after they have been used.) 
" The Sacred Pipes were taken from the ances- 
tors of these two and were given into the charge of Ickadabi, the pater- 
nal grandfather of Gahige." Yet these men are stillcalled Xiniba-t'a°, 
while " Gahige lielongs to the Wata"zi-jide (|-ataji and Xaqfe it'abaji, and 
he is one of those from whom the lekiife could be selected." 




INI?E-SABfi SUBGENTES AND TABOOS. 



231 



In 1878 La Fl^clie also gave the divisions and taboos of the liike-sabfi 
as follows: "1. Ninibat'a°; 2. Wata°zijide ^ataji; 3. x^h^ s^l>6 
it'^ji; 4. xe-f^ze(fatc'\ji;" but he did not state whether these were distinct 
subgentes. The T^e-he-sabiS it'aji, Those who touch not black horns 
(of bufi'aloes), appear to be the same as the j,e-^eze ^ataji, i. e., the 
Waifigije. The following is their camping order : In the tribal circle, 
the Wa^igije camp next to the Hanga gens, of which the Wacabe people 
are the neighbors of the Wa^igije, having almost the same taboo. The 
other liike-sabg people camp next to the Weji^cte gens. But in the 
gentile "council-fire" a different order is observed; the first becomes 
last, the Wa(figije having their seats 
on the left of the fire and the dooD 
and the others on the right. 

The Wa^igije cannot eat buffalo 
tongues, and they are not allowed 
to touch a buffalo head. (See §§ 
37, 49, and 59.) The name of their 
subgens is that of the hooped rope, 
with which the game of " jacjji"- 
jahe"is played. Gahige told the 
following, which is doubted by La 
Fleche and Two Crows: "One day, 
when the principal man of the 
Wa^igije was fasting and praying 

, ,, J , XI 1 j_ /» Fig. 16. — The Inke-sabC- Gentile A.ssembly. A. — 

to the sun-god, he saw the ghost Ot The Wa^^igye, or Waqube g4x6 alii, under Duba- 

i_ /v. 1 • '1 ^ J} XI XI 1 ma^fri". B. — The Wata^zi-iide^atajl; theletit^S, 

a buffalo, visible from the flank up, audtheXaq^je-ifabaji. These were Wer Gahige. 

arising out of a spring. Since then the members of his subgens liave 
abstained from buffalo tongues and heads." 

Gahige's subgens, the Wata^zi jide ^ataji, do not eat red corn. They 
were the first to find the red corn, but they were afraid of it, and would 
not eat it. Should they eat it now, they would have running sores all 
around their mouths. Another tradition is that the first man of this 
subgens emerged from the water with an ear of red corn in his hand. 

The lekife are, or were, the Criers, who went around the tribal circle 
proclaiming the decisions of the chiefs, etc. 

Prior to 1S78, Wacuce, Gahige's brother, was the keeper of the two 
sacred pipes. At his death, in that year, his young son succeeded him 
as keeper ; but, as he was very young, he went to the house of his 
father's brother, Gahige, who subsequently kept the pipes himself. 

§ 32. Gahige said that his subgens had a series of Eagle birth-names, 
as well as the Buffalo birth-names common to the whole gens. This 
was owing to the possession of the sacred pipes. While these names 
may have denoted the order of birth some time ago, they arc now be- 
stowed without regard to that, according to LaFlfeche and Two Crows. 

Buffalo birth-names.— The first son was called "He who stirs up or 
muddies the water by jumping in it," referring to a buffalo that lies 




232 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

down in the water or paws in the shallow water, making it spread out 
in circles. The second son was "Bufialoes swimming in large numbers 
across a stream." The third was Si-jja'-qega, referring to a buifalo 
calf, the hair on whose legs changes from a black to a withered or dead 
hue in February. The fourth was "Knobby Horns (of a young buffalo 
bull)". The fifth was "He (^. e., a bufl'alo bull) walks well, without fear 
of falling." The sixth was "He (a buffalo bull) walks slowly (because 
he is getting old)." The seventh was called Gaqaja-naji°, explained by 
the clause, " ^eniigawi"^qtci, jiig^e ^iBg^, a single buffalo bull, without 
a companion." It means a very old bull, who stands off at one side 
ajjart from the herd. 

The Eagle birth-names (see § 64), given by Gahige, are as follows: 
Qifi'i-i"^ (mciining unknown to La Fleche and Two Crows; word doubted 
by them). Eagle Neck. Waji"-hai3ga, He who leads in disposition. 
Ki^ka-^anga, the first bird heard in the spring when the grass comes 
up (the marbled godwit?). Blue ISTeck (denied by La Flfeche and Two 
Crows). Rabbit (La Fleche and Two Crows said that this name be- 
longed to the Haiiga gens). Ash tree (doubted by La Fleche and Two 
Crows). A birth-name of this series could be used instead of the cor- 
responding one of the gentile series, e. g., Gahige could have named 
his son, Uka^adigfa", either Sijia°qega or Waji°-haiiga. There were 
similar series of birth-names for girls, but they have been forgotten. 

§ 33. Principal Iuke-sab6 names. — I. Men. — (Buftalo that) Walks 
Last in the heard. (Buffalo) Euns Among (the people when chased by 
the hunters). Four (buffaloes) Walking. Black Tongue (of a buffalo). 
The Chief. Eeal Chief. Young Chief. Walking Hawk. Without any 
one to teach him {i. e., He knows things of his own accord). (Buffalo) 
Makes his own manure miry by treading in it. Horns alone visible 
(there being no hair on the young buftalo bull's head). Little (buffalo) 
with Yellowish-red hair. He who practices conjuring. Thick Shoulder 
(of a buffalo). (Buffalo) Comes suddenly (over the hill) meeting the 
hunters face to face. Swift Rabbit. Rabbit (also in Haiiga gens). He 
who talks like a chief; referring to the sacred pipes. Big Breast (of a 
buffalo). Seven (some say it refers to the seven sacred pipes). (He 
who) Walks Before (the other keepers of the sacred pipes). Badger. 
Four legs of an animal, when cut off'. Bent Tail. Double or Cloven 
Hoofs (of a buffalo). Yonder Stands (a buftalo that) Has come back 
to you. Buftalo runs till he gets out of range of the wind. Little 
Horn (of a buftalo). Two (young men) Running (with the sacred pipes 
during the Hede-watci). Skittish Buftalo Calf. Foremost White Buf- 
falo in the distance. Looking around. (Buffalo'?) Walks Around it. 
(Buffalo) Scattering in different directions. Big Boiler (a generous 
man, who put two kettles on the fire). (Buffalo) Sits apart from the 
rest. He who makes one Stagger by pushing against him. He who 

* Probably Qii)a-bi", as the Osages have Qui|'a-hi'', Eagle Featbers. 



DORSET.] PERSONAL NAMES THE IIANGA GENS. 233 

speaks saucily. Difficult Disposition or Temper (of a growing buffalo 
calf). Tbe Shooter. He wbo fears no seen danger. Young Turkey. 
II. Women. — Sacred Third-daughter. She by Whom they were made 
Human beings (see Osage tradition of the Female Red Bird). Moou 
in Motion during the Day. Moou that Is traveling. Moou Has come 
back Visible. Foremost or Ancestral Moon (first quarter?). Visible 
Moon. White Ponka (female) in the distance. Precious Female. Visi- 
ble one that has Returned, and is in a Horizontal attitude. Precious 
Buffalo Human-female. Buffalo Woman. 



THE HANGA GENS. 

§ 34. Hafiga seems to mean, "foremost," or " ancestral." Among the 
Omahas this gens is a buffalo gens ; but among the Kansas and Osages 
it refers to other gentes. In the Omaha tribal circle, the Haiiga people 
camp next to the Inkg-sabe. Their two chiefs are Two Crows and Icta- 
basude, elected in 1880. The latter was elected as the successor of his 
father, " Yellow Smoke," or " Two Grizzly Bears." 

Mythical origin of the gens. — According to Yellow Smoke, the first 
HaSga people were buffaloes and dwelt beneath the water. When they 
were there they used to move along with their heads bowed and their 
eyes closed. By and by they opened their eyes in the water ; hence 
their first birth-name, Niadi-icta-ugab(J;a. Emerging from the water, 
they lifted their heads and saw the blue sky for the first time. So they 
assumed the name of 3;ef a-gaxe, or " Clear skj' makers." (La Fleche, 
in 1879, doubted whether this was a genuine tradition of the gens; and 
be said that the name Niadi-icta-ugabifa was not found in the Hanga 
gens; it was probably intended for Niadi-ctagabi. This referred to a 
buffalo that had fallen into mud and water, which had spoiled its flesh 
for food, so that men could use nothing but the hide. Two Crows said 
that Xiadi-ctagabi was an ancient name.) 

§ 35. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days, 
when any member of the gens was near death he was wrapped in a 
buffalo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the "hauga- 
jji'a^ze." Then the dying person was thus addressed by one of his 
gens : " You came hither from the animals. And you are going back 
thither. Do not face this way again. When you go, continue walk- 
ing." (See § 29.) 

§ 36. The sacred tents. — There are two sacred tents belonging to this 
gens. When the tribal circle is formed these are pitched within it, 
about 50 yards from the tents of tbe gens. Hence the proper name, 
U(};uci-naji°. A straight line drawn from one to the other would bisect 
the road of the tribe at right angles. 

The sacred tents are always together. They pertain to the buffalo 
hunt, and are also " w6waspe," having a share in the regulative system 



234 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

of the tribe, as they coutain two objects which have been regarded as 
" Wakafida 6ga"," partaking of the nature of deities. 

These objects are the sacred pole or " waqfixe," and the " ^e-sa"'-ha." 
The decoration of the outside of each sacred tent is as follows : A corn- 
stalk on each side of the entrance and one on the back of the tent, 
opposite the entrance. (Compare the ear of corn in the calumet dance. 
See §§ IL'3 and 1G3.) 

Tradition of the sacred pole. — The " waqfexe," " ja"' waqi'ibe," or sa- 
cred pole, is A'erj' old, having been cut more than two hundred years 
ago, before the separation of the Omahas, Ponkas, and lowas. The 
Ponkas still claim a share in it, and have a tradition about it, which is 
denied bj^ La Fleche and Two Crows. The Ponkas say that the tree 
from which the pole was cut was first found by a Ponka of the Hisada 
gens, and that in the race which ensued a Ponka of the Maka" gens 
was the first to reach the tree. The Omahas tell the following : 

At the first there were no chiefs in the gentes, and the people did not prosper. So 
a council was held, and they asked one another, "What shall we do to improve our 
condition?" Then the young men were sent out. They found many cotton- wood 
trees beside a lake, but one of these was better than the rest. They returned and re- 
ported the tree, speaking of it as if it was a person. All rushed to the attack. They 
struck it and felled it as if it had been a foe. They then put hair on its head, makiug 
a person of it. Then were the sacred tents made, the first chiefs were selected, .and 
the sacred pipes were distributed. 

The sacred pole was originally longer than it is now, but the lower 
part having worn out, a piece of ash-wood, about 18 inches long, has 
been fastened to the cotton-wood with a soft piece of cord made of a 
buflalo hide. The ash-wood forms the bottom of the pole, and is the 
part which is stuck in the ground at certain times. The cotton-wood is 
about 8 feet long. 




Fig. 17.— The sacred pole. 
A. — The place where the two pieces of wood arc joined. 
B.— The aqande-pa or hi"-qpe-i*iba", made of the down of the mi°xa (a swan. See the Ma'tiiika z'y- > 

gens.) 
C— The scalp, fastened to the top, whence the proper name, Nik'umi"je, Indian-man's (scalp) couch. 

Two Crows said that the pole rested on the scalp when it was in the 
lodge. The proper name, Mi^-wasa", referring to the mi^xasa'^ or swan, 
and also to the aqande-pa (B). The proper name, "Yellow Smoke" 
(rather), " Smoked Yellow," or Cude-nazi, also refers to the pole, which 
has become yellow from smoke. Though a scalp is fastened to the top, 
the pole has nothing to do with war. But wlien the Omahas encounter 
enemies, any brave man who gets a scalp may decide to present it to 
the sacred pole. The middle of the pole has swan's down wrapped 



DORsEv] THE HANGA GENS. 235 

aroimd it, and tbe swan's down is covered with cotton-wood bark, over 
which is a piece of %€ha (buffalo hide) about 18 inches square. All the 
:jeha and cord is made of the hide of a hermaphrodite buffalo. This 
pole used to be greased every year when they were about to return home 
from the summer hunt. The people were afraid to neglect this cere- 
mony lest there should be a deep snow when they traveled on the next 
hunt. 

When Joseph La Fl^chelost his leg, the old men told the people that 
this was a punishment which he suffered because he had opposed the 
greasing of the sacred pole. As the Omahas have not been on the hunt 
for about seven years, the sacred tents are kept near the house of Wa- 
ka^-ma^cfi". (See § 295.) 

The other sacred tent, which is kept at present by Waka°-ma°^i", con- 
tains the sacred " ^e-sa°'-ha," the skin of a white buffalo cow, wrapped 
in a buffalo hide that is without hair. 

Joseph La Flfeche had two horses that ran away and knocked over 
the sacred tents of the Haiiga gens. The two old men caught them and 
rubbed them all over with wild sage, saying to Frank La Flfeche, " If 
you let them do that again the buffaloes shall gore them." 

§ 37. Subgentes and Taboos. — There are two great divisions of the 
gens, answering to the number of the sacred tents : The Keepers of the 
Sacred Pole and The Keepers of the jjC-sa^-ha. Some said that there 
were originally four subgentes, but two have become altogether or 
nearly extinct, and the few survivors have joined the larger subgentes. 

There are several names for each subgens. The first which is some- 
times spoken of as being " Ja°'ha-a;4(^ica°," Pertaining to the sacred 
cotton-wood bark, is the "Waq(fexea^i°"' or the "Ja°' waqiibe a^i"'," 
Keepers of the Sacred Pole. When its members are described by their 
taboos, they are called the " jj4 waqiibe ^atdji," Those who do not eat 
the "!)a" or buffalo sides; and " Mi^xa-sa" (|;atijl" and "^j^ta" ^atiijl," 
Those who do not eat geese, swans, and cranes. These can eat the 
the buffalo tongues. The second subgens, which is often referred to as 
being" j^e-sa°'-ha-;A^ica°," Pertaining to the sacred skin of the white 
buffalo cow, consists of the Wac4be or Haii'gaqti, the Real Haiiga peo- 
ple. When reference is made to their taboo, they are called the " j^e- 
(f6ze (j;at4ji," as they cannot eat buffalo tongues; but they are at liberty 
to eat the " ;)a," which the other Haiiga cannot eat. In the tribal circle 
the Wacabc people camp nest to the Iiike-sab6 gens; and the Waqijiexe 
a(fi" have the Qu:5{a of the ^atada gens next to them, as he is their serv- 
ant and is counted as one of their kindred. But, in the gentile circle, 
the Waq(^exe a(J;i" occupy the left side of the "council-fire," and the 
Wacabe sit on the opposite side. 

§38. Style of tcearing the hair. — The Haiiga style of wearing the hair 
is called " ^e-uaii'ka-b^xe," referring originally to the back of a buffalo. 
It is a crest of hair, about 2 inches long, standing erect, and extend- 
ing from one ear to the other. The ends of the hair are a little below 
the ears. 



236 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§ 39. Birth-names of boys, according to ja^i°-na°paji. The first is 
Niadi ctagabi ; the second, Ja°-gap'uje, referring to tlie Sacred Pole. 
It may be equivalent to the Dakota Tca'^-kap'oja (Catj-kapoza), mean- 
ing that it must be carried by one unincumbered with much baggage. 
The third is named Ma° peji, Bad Arrow, i. e., Sacred Arrow, because 
the arrow has grown black from age ! (Two Crows gave this exi^lana- 
tion. It is probable that the arrow is kept in or with the " ^e-sa°-ha.") 

The fourth is Fat covering the outside of a butfalo's stomach. The 
fifth is Buffalo bull. The sixth, Dangerous buffalo bull ; and the sev- 
enth is Buffalo bull rolls again in the place where he rolled formerly. 

§40. Prmcipal Haiiga names. I. Men. — (Buffalo) Makes a Dust by 
rolling. Smoked Yellow (" Yellow Smoke"). (Buffalo) Walks in a Crowd. 
He who makes no impression by Striking. Eeal Hanga. Short Horns 
(of a buffalo about two years old). (Buffalo calf) Sheds its hair next to 
the eyes. Two Crows. Flying Crow. He who gives back blow for blow, 
or, He who gets the better of a foe. Grizzly bear makes the sound 
"';ide" by walking. Grizzly bear's Head. Standing Swan. He (a buf- 
falo ?) wlio is Standing. (Buffalo !) That does not run. (Buffalo) That 
runs by the Shore of a Lake. Seven (buffalo bulls) In the Water. 
Pursuer of the attacking foe. Scalp Couch. Pointed Eump (of a buf- 
falo?). Artichoke. Buffalo Walks at Night. A Bufialo Bellows. Odor 
of Buffalo Dung. Buffalo Bellows in the distance. (Sacred tent) Stands 
in the Middle (of the circle). Seeks Fat meat. Walking Sacred one. 
Corn. He who Attacks. 

II. Women. — Iron-eyed Female. Moon that is Traveling. White Hu- 
man-female Butt'alo in the distance. 



THE (pATADA GENS. 

§41. This gen occupies the fourth place in the tribal circle, being be- 
tween the Hanga and the 3;a°ze. But, unlike the other gentes, its sub- 
gentes have separate camping areas. Were it not for the marriage law, 
we should say that the (fJattula was a phratry, and its subgentes were 
gentes. The present leaders of the gens are jedegahi of the Wajiuga- 
^ataji and Cyu-jiiiga of the Wasabe hit'aji. When on the hunt tbe four 
subgentes pitch their cents in the following order in the tribal circle : 
1. Wasabehit'aji; 2. Wajiuga (fataji; .'5. ^e-da-it'ajl; 4. 3;e-'i". TheWa- 
sabe-hit'aji are related to the Haiiga on the one hand and to the Wa- 
jiflga-ifataji on the other. The latter iu turn, are related to the xe-da- 
itaji; these are related to the jje-'i"; and the 5£e-'i" and 3;a°ze are re- 
lated. 

THE WASABE-niT'AjI StIBeEKS. 

§42. The name of this subgens is derived from three words: wasabe, 
ablaclcbear; ha, a skill; and it'aji, not to touch; meaning "Those who do 



13UUEAU OF ETHNOLOOy 



AKNUAL KEl-OKT 1882 I'l,. XXil 




TENT or AGAIIA-WACTTCK. 



U0R6EY.] (fATADA GENS WASABE-HIT'AJI SUBGENS. 237 

not touch the skin of a black bear." The wi-iter was told in 1879, that 
the uju, or principal man of this siibgens, was Icta-duba, but La Fleche 
and Two Crows, in 1882, asserted that they never heard of an " uju" of 
a gens. 

Taboo. — The members of this snbgens are prohibited from touching 
the hide of a black bear and from eating its flesh. 

Mythical origin. — They say that their aucestors were made under the 
ground and that they afterwards came to the surface. 

§ 43. Plate II is a sketch of a tent which belonged to Agaha-wa- 
cuce, the father of ja((-i"-na"pajl. Hupefa's father, Hupeifa II, owned it 
before Agaha-wacuce obtained it. The circle at the top representing a 
bear's cave, is sometimes painted blue. Below the zigzag lines (repre- 
senting the different kinds of thunders ?) are the prints of bear's paws. 
This painting was not a nikie but the personal "qube" or sacred thing 
of the owner. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or 
charcoal. 

§ 44. Style of wearing the hair. — Four short locks are left on the Head, 
as in the following diagram. They are about 2 inches long. 

Birth-names of boys. — ^a(f'i°-na"paji gave 
the following : The first son is called Young 
Black bear. The second, Black bear. The 
third, Four Eyes, including the true eyes and 
the two spots like eyes that are above the 
eyes of a black bear. The fourth, Gray Foot. 
The fifth. Cries like a Raccoon. (La Fleche 
said that this is a Ponka name, but the 
Omahas now have it.) The sixth, Nidaha", 
Progressing toward maturity (sic). The 
seventh. He turns round aud round suddenly 
(said of both kinds of bears). 

§ 45. Sections of the subgens. — The Wasabe- 
hit'aji people are divided into sections. (ja(fi"- 
na"paji and others told the writer that they consisted of four divisions : 
Black bear. Raccoon, Grizzly bear, and Porcupine people. The Black 
bear and Raccoon people are called brothers. And when a man kills 
a black bear he says, "I have killed a raccoon." The young black bear 
is said to cry like a raccoon, hence the birth-name Mijia-xage. The 
writer is inclined to think that there is some foundation for these state- 
ments, though La Fleche and Two Crows seemed to doubt them. They 
gave but two divisions of the Wasabehit'aji ; aud it may be that these 
two are the only ones now in existence, while there were four in ancient 
times. The two sections which are not doubted are the Wasabe-hit'aji 
in-oper, and the Quj[a, i. e., the Raccoon people. 

When they meet as a subgens, they sit thus iu their circle : The 
Wasabe-hit'aji people sit on the right of the entrance, and the Qujia 
have their places on the left. But in the tribal circle the Qujja people 




238 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

camp uext to the Hauga Keepers of the Sacred Pole, as the former are 
the servants of the Haflga. The leader of the Qu5[a or Singers was 
himself the only one who acted as qui[a, when called on to serve the 
Haiiga. ^ja^i^na^paji's half-brother, Hupe^a, commonly styled x^-da- 
u^iqaga, used to be the leader. Since the Omahas have abandoned the 
hunt, to which this office pertained, no one has acted as qu^ia ; but if 
it were still in existence, the three brothers. Dangerous, Gihaji, and 
Ma°(J;i'u-ke, are the only ones from whom the quj[a could be chosen. 

Qujja men. — Dried Buffalo Skull. Dangerous. Gihaji. Black bear. 
Paws the Ground as he Reclines. Young (black bear) Runs. Mandan. 
Hiipe^a. Laugher. Maqpiya-qaga. j,aiiga-gaxe. Crow's Head. Gray 
Foot. J. La Fltehe said that Hupe^a, Laugher, Maqpiyaqaga, and 
j^aQga-gaxe were servants of the Elk gens ; but ja(j!i°-na"paji, their 
fellow-gentile, places them among the Qusja. (See § 143.) 

In the tribal circle the Wasabe-hit'aji proper camp next to the 
Wajinga-^ataji. These Wasabe-hit'aji are the servants of the Elk peo- 
ple, whom they assist in the worship of the thunder-god. When this 
ceremony takes place there are a few of the Quj[a people who accom- 
pany the Wasabe-hit'aji and act as servants. These are probably the 
four men referred to above. Though all of the Wasabe hit'ajl proper 
are reckoned as servants of the Weji^cte, only two of them, <ja^i"- 
na°paji and Sidama°^i°, take a prominent part in the ceremonies de- 
scribed in §§ 23, 24. Should these men die or refuse to act, other mem- 
bers of their Section must take their places. 

Wasabe-hit'aji men. — He who fears not the sight of a Pawnee. White 
Earth River. Four Eyes (of a black bear). Without Gall. Progress- 
ing toward maturity. Visible (object 1). Gaxekati(j;a. 

Qujja and Wasabe-hit'aji women. — Da°abi. Da°ama. Land Female. 
Mi"hupeg(Jje. Mi"-(ja°i°ge. She who is Coming back in sight. Weta"ne. 
Wete wi°. 

THE WAJINGA CATAjl 80BGENS 

§46. This name means, "They who do not eat (small) birds." They 
can eat wild turkeys, all birds of the mi°xa or gooFe genus, including 
ducks and cranes. When sick, they are allowed to eat prairie chickens. 
When members of this subgens go on the warpath, the only sacred 
things which they have are the g^ed.i" (hawk) and nickucku (martin). 
(See § 196.) 

Style of wearing the hair. — They leave a little hair in front, over the 
forehead, for a bill, and some at the back of the head, for the bird's tail, 
with much over each eai", for the wings. La F16che and Two Crows do 
not deny this; but they know nothing about it. 

Curious custom during harvest. — These Wajiiiga-^ataji call themselves 
" The Blackbird people." In harvest time, when the birds used to eat 
the corn, the men of this subgens proceeded thus : They took some 
corn, which they chewed and spit around over the field. They thought 



uoRBEv.] WAJINGA-(j;ATAJI AND XE-JA-IT'aJI. 239 

that such a procedure would deter the birds froui making further inroads 
upon the crops. 

Wacka°-ma°^i" of this subgens keeps one of the great waifisabe, or 
sacred bags, used when a wan'ior's word is doubted. (See § 190.) 

§ il. Sections and subsections of the subgens. — Waui::)a-waq6 of the 
xada gens told me that the following were the divisions of the Wajiiiga- 
^ataji; but La Fleche and Two Crows deny it. It may be that these 
minor divisions no longer exist, or that they were not known to the two 
men. 

I. — Hawk people, under Standing Hawk. 

II. — Mang^iqta, or Blackbird people, under Waji°a-gahige. Sub- 
sections: (a) White heads. (6) Eed heads, (c) Yellow 
heads, [d) Eed wings. 
III. — Mang(f;iqta-qude, Gray Blackbird (the common starling), or 
Thunder people, under Wa(fidaxe. Subsections: (a) Gray 
Blackbirds. (&) Meadow larks, (c) Prairie-chickens ; and, 
judging from the analogy of the Ponka Hisada, (d) Martins. 
IV. — Three subsections of the Owl and Magpie people are (a) Great 

Owls. (6) Small Owls, (c) Magpies. 
§ 48. Birth-names of boys. — The first son was called, Maiig^iqta, Black- 
bird. The second. Red feathers on the base of the wings. The third. 
White-eyed Blackbird. The fourth. Dried Wing. The fifth, Hawk 
(denied by La Fleche). The sixth. Gray Hawk. The seventh. White 
Wings. This last is a Ponka name, according to La Flfeche and Two 
Crows. 

Wajiiiga-^ataji mere. — Eed Wings. Chief who Watches over (any 
thing). Becomes Suddenly Motionless. Poor man. Standing Hawk. 
He from whom they flee. Rustling Horns. Scabby Horns. The one 
Moving towards the Dew (?). White or Jack Rabbit. Gray Blackbird. 
White Blackbird. Four Hands (or Paws). Ni-^actage. Yellow Head 
(of a blackbird). Fire Chief. Coyote's Foot. Buflalo bull Talks like a 
chief. Bad temper of a Buffalo bull. White Buflalo in the distance. 
Hominy (a name of ridicule). He who continues Trying (commonly 
translated, " Hard Walker"). He who makes the crackling sound 
"Gh-4- !" in thundering. Bird Chief. 

Wajiiiga-(f;ataji ivomen. — (Female eagle) Is Moving On high. Moon in 
motion during the Day. Turning Moon Female. Mi°daca°-^i°. Mi"- 
tena. Visible one that Has returned, and is in a Horizontal attitude. 

THE lE-jA-lT'AjI SCBOENS. 

§ 49. These are the Eagle people, and they are not allowed to touch a 
buffalo head. (See liike-sabS gens, §§ 30, 32.) The writer was told 
that their uju or head man in 1879 was Maiige-zi. 

He who is the head of the Niniba t'a°. Keepers of a (Sacred) Pipe, has 
duties to perform whenever the chiefs assemble in council. (See Sacred 
Pipes, § 18.) 



240 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

The decoratiou of the tents in this subgens resemble those of the 
luke-sabg. 

§ 50. Birth names of boys. — The first was called Dried Eagle, ^n^i'^- 
ua"paji said that this really meant " Dried buffalo skull ; " but La Fleche 
and Two Crows denied this, giving another meaning, "Dried Eagle 
skin." The second was Pipe. The third. Eaglet. The fourth, Keal 
Bald Eagle. The sixth. Standing Bald Eagle. The seventh, He (an 
eagle) makes the ground Shake suddenly by Alighting on it. 

§ 51. Sections of the Subgens. — Lion gave the following, which were 
doubted by La Flfeche and Two Crows. L Keepers of the Pipe, or 
Workers, under Eaglet. II. Under The-Only-B.anga, are Pidaiga, Wa- 
djepa, and Ma°ze-guhe. III. Under Seal Eagle are his son. Eagle makes 
a Crackling sound by alighting on a limb of a tree, Wasaapa, Gakie- 
ma°^i'', and Tcaza-(fiuge. IV^. To the Bald Eagle section belong Yellow 
Breast and Small Hill. The Omahas reckon three kinds of eagles, the 
white eagle, the young white eagle, and the spotted eagle. To these 
they add the bald eagle, which they say is not a real eagle. These 
probably correspond with the sections of the j,e-da-it'aji. 

THE sE-'in, OB TURTLE SUBGENS. 

§ 52. This subgens camps between the j^e-da-ifaji and the -^a^ze, in 
the tribal circle. Its head man in 1879 was said to be jjenugaja"^-fii3ke. 
3^e'i° means "to carry a turtle on one's back." The members of this 
subgens are allowed to touch or carry a turtle, but they cannot eat one. 

Style of wearing the hair. — They cut oft' all the hair from a boy's head, 
except six locks ; two are left on each side, one over the forehead, and 
one hanging down the back, in imitation of the legs, head, and tail of a 
turtle. La Fleche and Two Crows did not know about this, but they 
said that it might be true. 

Decoration of the tents. — The figures of turtles were painted on the 
outside of the tents. (See the Iuke-sab6 decorations, §§ 30-32.) 

Curious custom during a fog. — In the time of a fog the men of this 
subgens drew the figure of a turtle on the ground with its face to the 
south. On the head, tail, middle of the back, and on each leg were 
l)laced small pieces of a (red) breech-cloth with some tobacco. This 
they imagined would make the fog disappear very soon. 

§ 53. Birth names of boys. — The first son was called He who Passed 
by here on his way back to the Water ; the second. He who runs very 
swiftly to get back to the Water; the third. He who floats down the 
stream; the fourth, Eed Breast; the fifth. Big Turtle; the sixth. 
Young one who carries a turtle on his back ; the seventh. Turtle that 
kicks out his legs and paws the ground when a person takes hold of 
him. 

Sections of the siibgois. — Lion gave the following as sections of the 
5[e-'i°, though the statement was denied by La Fleche and Two Crows. 
"The first section is Big Turtle, under jahe-;ad'6, in 1878. The sec- 



T>0RSEV.1 TURTLE SUBGENS HA^ZE GENS. 241 

ond is Turtle that does not flee, under Cageska or Kistuma°^i°. The 
third is Red-breasted Turtle, under xt^misa ja"-(^iiike. The fourth is 
Spotted Turtle with Bed Eyes, under Ehna°juwag^e." 

Turtle men. — Heat makes (a turtle) Emerge from the mud. (Turtle) 
Walks Backward. He Walks (or continues) Seeking something. An- 
ce.stral Turtle. Turtle that Flees not. (Turtle that) Has gone into the 
Lodge (or Shell). He alone is with them. He Continues to Tread ou 
them. Turtle Maker. Spotted Turtle with Red Eyes. Young Turtle- 
carrier. Buzzard. He who Starts up a Turtle. 

One of the women is Egg Female. 



THE HA°ZE GENS. 

§ 54. The place of the -^n^'ze or Kansas gens is between the jje-'i" and 
the Ma"^irika-gaxe in the tribal circle. The head man of the gens who 
was recognized as such in 1879 was Za°zi-mande. 

Taboo. — The 3[a°ze people cannot touch verdigris, which they call 
" wase-}u," green clay, or " wase-'ju-qude," gray-green clay. 

Being Wind people, they flap their blankets to start a breeze which 
will drive off the musquitoes. 

Subgentes. — La Flfeche and Two Crows recognize but two of these : 
Keepers of a Pipe and Wind People. They assign to the former 
Maja°ha(J'i°, Maja°-kide, &c., and to the latter Waji°-^icage, Za^zi 
niandS, and their near kindred. But Lion said that there were four sub- 
gentes, and that Maja°ha(f;i" was the head man of the first, or Niniba 
t'a°, which has another name, Those who Make the Sacred tent. He 
gave Waji° (ficage as the head man of the Wind people, Za°zi-maud(5 as 
the head of the third subgens, and Maja°-kide of the fourth ; but he 
could not give the exact order in which they sat in their gentile circle. 

A member of the gens told the writer that Four Peaks, whom Lion 
assigned to Za"zi-mand6's subgens, was the owner of the sacred tent : 
but he did not say to what sacred tent he referred. 

Some say that Maja"La(Ju" was the keeper of the saci'ed pipe of his 
gens till his death in 1879. Others, including Frank La Flfeche, say 
that Four Peaks was then, and still is, the keeper of the pipe. 

According to La Flfeche and Two Crows, a member of this gens was 
chosen as crier when the brave young men were ordered to take part in 
the sham tight. (See § 1 52.) "This was Maja^ha f i"" [Franh La Fleche). 

§ 55. Names of Kansas men. — Thick Hoofs. Something Wanting. Not 
worn from long use. He only is great in his own estimation. Boy who 
talks like a chief. Young one that Flies ['?]. He Lay down On the way. 
Young Beaver. Two Thighs. Brave Boy. Kansas Chief Young 
Kansas. Making a Hollow sound. Gray Cottonwood. The one Moving 
toward the Land. He who shot at the Land. Young Grizzly bear. 
3 ETH — IG 



242 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

White Grizzly bear near at baud. He started suddenly to Lis feet. 
Heartless. Cliief. Four Peaks. Hair on the legs (of a buffalo calf 
takes) a withered appearance. Swift Wind. Wind pulls to pieces. 
He Walks In the Wind. Buifalo that has become Lean again. Lies 
at the end. Young animal Feeding with the herd. He who makes an 
object Fall to pieces by Punching it. Blood. He who makes them 
weep. Bow- wood Bow. 

Names of Kansas women. — Kansas Female. Moon that Is traveling. 
Ancestral or Foremost Moon. Moon Moving On high. Last [?] Wind. 
Wind Female. Coming back Gray. 



THE MA°([;iNKA-GAXE GENS. 

§ 56. This gens, which is the first of the Ictasanda gentes, camps next 
to the 5j[a°ze, but on the opposite side of the road. 

The chief of the gens is Cange-ska, or White Horse, a grandson of the 
celebrated Black Bird. 

The name Ma^cfiiika-gaxe means " the earth-lodge makers," but the 
members of this gens call themselves the Wolf (and Prairie Wolf) 
People. 

Tradition. — The principal nikieof the Ma°(f!inka-gaxe are the coyote, 
the wolf, and the sacred stones. La Fleche and Two Crows say that 
these are all together. Some say that there are two sacred stones, one 
of which is red, the other black; others say that both stones have been 
reddened. (See §16.) La Fleche and Two Crows have heard that there 
were four of these stones ; one being black, one red, one yellow, and 
one blue. (See the colors of the lightning on the tent of Agaha-wacuce, 
§ 43.) One tradition is that the stones were made by the Coyote in an- 
cient days to be used for conjuring enemies. The Usage tradition men- 
tions four stones of difierent colors, white, black, red, and blue. 

Style of wearing the hair. — Boys have two locks of hair left on their 
heads, one over the forehead and another at the parting of the hair on 
the crown. Female children have four locks left, one at the front, one 
at the back, and one over each ear. La Fleche and Two Crows do not 
know this, but they say that it may be true. 

§ 57. Suhgentes. — La Fleche and Two Crows gave but two of these: 
Keepers of the Pipe and Sacred Persons. This is evidently the classi- 
fication for marriage jjurposes, referred to in §78; and the writer is con- 
fident that La Fleche and Two Crows always mean this when they speak 
of the divisions of each gens. This should be borne in mind, as it will 
be helpful in solving certain seeming contradictions. That these two 
are not the only divisions of the gens will appear from the statements 
of Lion and (^aiige-skii, the latter being the chief of the geus. Cauge- 
ska said that there were three subgentes, as follows : 1. Qube (includ- 



DORSEVO THE MA^i-INKA-GAXE GENS. 243 

ing the Wolf people?). 2. Niniba t'a°. 3. Mi°'xa-sa^ wet'Aji. Lion gave 
the following : 1. Mi'jjasi (Coyote and Wolf people). 2. I'>"6 waqube, 
Keepers of the Sacied Stones. 3. Niniba t'a°. 4. Mi°'xa-sa° wet'4ji. 
According to Caiige-ska, Qube was the name given to his part of the 
gens after the death of Black Bird ; therefore it is a modern name, not 
a hundred years old. But I°"6-waqiibe points to the mythical origin of 
the gens ; hence the writer is inclined to accept the fourfold division as 
the ancient one. The present head of the Coyote people is j,aqie-tig^e, 
whose predecessor was Hu-^agebe. Ca3ge-ska, of the second subgens, 
is the successor of his father, who bore the same name. Uckadaji is the 
rightful keeper of the Sacred Pipe, but as he is very old Ca°ta"-jiuga 
has superseded him, according to jj[a^i°-na°pajl. Mi°xa-skii was the 
the head ot the Mi°xa-sa° wet'aji, but Manga'aji has succeeded him. The 
name of this last subgens means " Those who do not touch swans," 
but this is only a name, not a taboo, according to some of the Omahas. 

Among the Kansas Indians, the Ma°yiuka-gaxe people used to include 
the Elk gens, and part of the latter is called, Mi°'xa unikaci^ga. Swan 
people. As these were originally a subgens of the Kansas Ma°yiiika- 
gaxe, it furnishes another reason for accepting the statement of Lion 
about the Omaha Mi°xa-sa°- wet'aji. 

§ 58. Birth-names of boys. — ja^i°na°pajji gave the following, but he 
did not know their exact order : He who Continues to Travel (denied 
by the La Fleche and Two Crows). Little Tail (of a coyote). Sudden 
Crunching sound (made by a coyote or wolf when gnawing bones). 
(Coyote) Wheels around suddenly. (Coyote) Stands erect very sud- 
denly. Surly Wolf. 

Names of men. I. Wolf subgens. — Sudden crunching sound. Wacicka. 
Continues Running. Wheels around suddenly. The Standing one who 
is Traveling. (Wolf) Makes a sudden Crackling sound (by alighting 
on twigs or branches). Ghost of a Grizzly bear. Stands erect Very 
suddenly. Little Tail. Young Traveler. He who Continues to Travel, 
or Standing Traveler. Standing Elk. Toung animal Feeding or graz- 
ing with a herd. IL I^'g-waqube subgens. — White Horse. Ancestral 
Kansas. Thunder-god. Village-maker. Brave Second-son. Black 
Bird {not Blackbird). Big Black bear. White Swan. Night Walker. 
He whom they Reverence. Big Chief. Walking Stone. Red Stone. 
jja^i°-na°paji said that tiie last two names were birth-names in this 
subgens. III. 'Simba.Va^ subgens. — He who Rushes into battle. Young 
Wolf. Saucy Chief. IV. Swan subgens. — He whom an Arrow Fails 
to wound. Willing to be employed. A member of this gens. Tailless 
Grizzly bear, has been with the Ponkas for many years. His name is 
not an Omaha name. 

Names of women. — Hawk-Female. New Hawk-Female. Miacte-cta", 
or Miate-cta°. Mi°-mi:)ega. Visible Moon. (Wolf) Stands erect. White 
Ponka iu the distance. Pouka Female. She who is Ever Coming back 
Visible. Eagle Circling around. Wate wi°. 



244 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



THE XE-SINDE GENS. 

§ 59. The xe-sinde, or Buffalo-tail gens, camps between the Ma°f inka- 
inaxe and the x^-<J''i gentes in the tribal circle. Its present chief is 
Waha"-finge, son of Takunakifabi. 

Tohons. — The members of this gens cannot eat a calf while it is red, 
hut they can do so when it becomes black. This applies to the calf of 
the domestic cow, as well as to that of the buffalo. They cannot touch 
a buffalo hoad.—FranIc La Fleche. (See §§ 31, 37, and 49.) They ear- 
not eat the meat on the lowest rib, ciefi^-ucagife, because Ihe 1 ead of tll(^ 
calf before birth touches the mother near that rib. 

Style, of ircnring the hair. — It is called " j^aihi"-niuxa-gax;ii," Mane 
marie muxa, i. e., to stand up and hang over a 
little on each side. La Fleche and Two Crows do 
not kTiow this style. 

§ 60. Birth names of hoys. — ja((-i"-na"pi)ji was un- 
certain about them. He thought that six of them 
were as follows: Gray Horns (of a buffalo). Umn- 
abi, refers to cutting up a buffalo. (A buffalo that 
is almost grown) Raises his Tail in the air. Dark 
Eyes) A buffalo calf when it sheds its reddish- 
yellow hair, has a coat of black, which commences 
at the eyes). (BuffaloOalf) Unable to Run. Little 
one (buffalo calf) with reddish-yellow hair. 

§ 61. Subgentes. — For marriage purposes, the gens 
is undivided, according to La Fleche and Two (Jrows; but they ad- 
mitted that there were at present two parts of the gens, one of which 
was The Keepers of the Pipe. Lion said that he knew of but two 
subgentes, which were The Keepers of the Pipe, or. Those who do not 
Eat the Lowest buffalo rib, under Wild sage; and Those who Touch no 
Calves, or. Keepers of the Sweet Medicine, under Orphan. J. La Fleche 
said that all of the xe-sinde had the sweet medicine, and that none were 
allowed to eat calves. 

§ 62. Names of men. — ^Vild Sage. Stands in a High and marshy i)lace. 
Smoke Coming back Regularly. Big ax. (Buffalo) Bristling with Ar 
rows. Ancestral Feather. Orphan, or, (Buffalo bull) Raises a Dust by 
I'awing the Ground. Unable to run. (Body of a buffalo) Divide<! 
with a knife. Playfid (?) or Skittish Buffalo. Little one with reddish- 
yellow hair. Dark Eyes. Lies Bottom ui)wards. Stands on a Level. 
Young Bufifiilo bull. Raises his Tail in the air. Lover. Crow Neck 
lace. Big Mane. Buffalo Head. He who is to be blamed for evil. 

Names of women. — ]\Ii"-akanda. Sacred Moon. White Buffalo-Fe- 
male in the distance. Walks in order to Seek (for something). 




iE-SINDE AND XA-dA GENTES. 245 



THE J,A-d[A OR DEER-HEAD GENS. 

§ 63. The place of this gens in the tribal circle is after that of the 
j;,e-sincle. The chief of the gens is Sui(le-xa°xa°. 

Taboo. — The members of this gens cannot touch the skin of any ani- 
mal of the deer family; they caniiot use moccasins of deer-skin ; nor 
can they use the fat of the deer for hair-oil, as the other Otnahas can 
do ; but they can eat the flesh of the deer. 

Svhgentes. — La Fleche and Two Crows recognized three divisions of 
the geus for marriage purposes, and said that the Keepers of the Sacred 
Pipe were " ujja^ha jiiiga," a little apart from the rest. Wani|a-waq?, 
who is himself the keeper of the Sacred Pipe of this gens, gave four 
subgentes. These sat in the gentile circle in the following order : On 
the first or left side of the " fire-place" were the Niniba t'a". Keepers of 
the Pipe, and Jinga-gahige's subgens. On the other side were the 
Thunder people and the real Ueer people. The Keepers of the Pipe and 
Jiiigagahige's subgens seem to form one of the three divisions recog- 
nized by La Fleche. Wani^a-waqe said that his own subgens were 
Eayle people, and that they had a special taboo, being forbidden to 
touch verdigris (see ^a^ze gens), charcoal, and the skin of the wild-cat. 
He said that the members of the second subgens could not touch char- 
coal, in addition to the general taboo of the gens. But La Fleche and 
Two Crows said that none of the X'^'^t^* could touch charcoal. 

The head of the Niniba t'a" took the name Wani'ja-waqg, The Animal 
that excels others, or Lion, after a visit to the East ; but his real Omaha 
name is Disobedient. ja(fi"-gahige is the head of the Thunder sub- 
gens, and Sinde-xa°xa°, of the Deer subgens. 

§ 64. Birth-names for boys. — Lion said that the following were some 
of the Eagle birth-names of his subgens (see Iiike-sab6 birth-names, 
§32): The thunder-god makes the sound "^ide" as he walks. Eagle 
who is a chief (keeping a Sacred Pipe). Eagle that excels. White 
Eagle (Golden Eagle). Akida gabige. Chief who Watches over some- 
thing (beiTig the keeper of a Sacred Pipe). 

He gave the following as the Deer birth-names: He who Wags his 
Tail. The Black Hair on the Abdomen of a Puck. Horns like pha- 
langes. Deer Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indenta- 
tions. Deer in the distance Shows its Tail White Suddenly. Little 
Hoof of a deer. Dark Chin of a deer. 

§ 65. Ceremony on the fifth day after a birth. — According to Lion, there 
is a peculiar ceremony observed in his gens when an infant is named. 
All the members of the gens assemble on the fifth day after the birth 
of a child. Those belonging to the subgens of the intant cannot eat 
anything cooked for the feast, but the men of the other subgentes are 
at liberty to partake of the food. The infant is placed within the gen- 
tile circle and the privileged decoration is made on the face of the child 



246 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

v?ith "wase-jkle-nika," or Indian red. Then with the tips of the index, 
middle, and the next finger, are red spots made down the child's back, 
at short intervals, in imitation of a fawn. The child's breech cloth {sic) 
is also marked in a similar way. With the tips of three fingers m^ 
rubbed stripes as long as a hand on the arms and chest of the infant. 
All the x^"<I'i people, even the servants, decorate themselves. Eubbing 
the rest of the Indian red on the palms of their hands, they pass their 
hands backwards over their hair; and they finally make red spots on 
their chests, about the size of a hand. The members of the Pipe sub- 
gens, and those persons in the other subgentes who are related to the 
infant's father through the calumet dance, are the only ones who are 
allowed to use the privileged decoration, and to wear hi°qpe (down) in 
their hair. If the infant belongs to the Pipe subgens, charcoal, verdi- 
gris, and the skin of a wild-cat are placed beside him, as the articles 
not to be touched by him in after-life. Then he is addressed thus: "This 
you must not touch ; this, too, you must not touch ; and this you must 
not touch." The verdigris symbolizes the blue sky. 

La Fleche and Two Crows said that the custom is different from the 
above. When a child is named on the fifth day after birth, all of the 
gentiles are not invited, the only person who is called is an old man who 
belongs to the subgens of the infant.^ He puts the spots on the child, 
and gives it its name; but there is no breech-cloth. 

§66. Names of men. I. Pipe subgens. — Chief that Watches over some- 
thing. Eagle Chief. Eagle that excels, or Eagle maker (!). Wags his 
Tail. Standing Moose or Deer. (Lightning) Dazzles the Eyes, making 
them Blink. Shows Iron. Horns Pulled around (?). Forked Horns. 
(Fawn that) Does not Flee to a place of refuge. (Deer) Alights, mak- 
ing the sound " stapi." Pawnee Tempter, a war name. White Tail. 
Gray Pace. Like a Buffalo Horn (?). Walks Near. Not ashamed to 
ask for anything. (Fawn) Is not Shot at (by the hunter). White Breast. 
Goes to the Hill. Elk. 

II. Boy Chief's subgens. — Human-male Eagle (a Dakota name, J. La 
Fleche). Heart Bone (of a deer; some say it refers to the thunder; J. 
La Flfeche says that it has been recently brought from the Kansas). 
Fawn gives a sudden cry. Small Hoofs. Dark Chin. Forked Horns. 
( Deer) Leaps and raises a sudden Dust by Alighting on the ground. He 
who Wishes to be Sacred (or a doctor). Flees not. Forked Horns of a 
Fawn. 

III. Thunder suhgens. — Spotted Back (of a fawn). Small Hoofs. Like 
a Buffalo Horn. Wet Moccasins (that is, the feet of a deer. A female 
name among the Osages, etc.). Young Male-animal. WhiteTail. Daz- 
zles the Eyes. Spoken to (by the thunder-god). Young Thunder-god. 
Dark Chin. Forked Horns. Distant Sitting one with White Horns. 
Fawn. Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indentations. 

'■Tliis agrees substautiallv with the Osage custom. 



DORSEY.l iA-JA AND INGCfE-JIDE GENTES. 247 

Black Hair on a buck's Abdomen. Two Buffalo bulls. Eed Leaf (a 
Dakota name). Skittish. Black Crow. Weasel. Young Elk. Paw- 
nee Chief. 

IV. Deer subgens. — (Deer's) Tail shows red, now and then, in the dis- 
tance. White-horned animal Walking Near by. White Neck. Tail 
Shows W^hite Suddenly in the distance. (Deer) Stands Eed. (Deer) 
Starts up, beginning to move. Big Deer Walks. (Deer that) Excels 
others as he stands, or. Stands ahead of others. Small Forked Horns (of 
a fawn). Four Deer. Back drawn up (as of an enraged deer or buffalo), 
making the hair stand erect. Four Hoofs. He who Carves an animal. 
Shows a Turtle. Euns in the Trail (of the female). (Fawn) Despised 
(by the hunter, who prefers to shoot the full-grown deer). Feared when 
not seen. White Elk. 

Lion said that White Neck was the only servant in his gens at pres- 
ent. When the gens assembled in its circle, the servants had to sit by 
the door, as it was their place to bring in wood and water, and to wait 
on the guests. La Fl^che and Two Crows said that there were no serv- 
ants of this sort in any of the gentes. 

Tet, among the Osages and Kansas, there are still two kinds of serv- 
ants, kettle-tenders and water- bringers. But these can be promoted to 
the rank of brave men. 

IVamcs of women in the gens. — Eona-maha. Habitual-Hawk Female. 
Hawk Female. Precious Hawk Female. Horn used for cutting or 
chopping (?). Ax Female. Moon-Hawk Female. Moon that is Fly- 
ing. Moon that Is moving On high. Na"z6i°ze. White Ponka in the 
distance. Ponka Female. 



THE lNG(t!£-JIDE GENS. 

§ 67. The meaning of this name has been explained in several ways. 
In Dougherty's Account of the Omahas {Long's Expedition to the Rocky 
Mountains, I, 327) we read that "This name is said to have originated 
from the circumstance of this band having formerly quarreled and 
separated themselves from the nation, until, being nearly starved, they 
were compelled to eat the fruit of the wild cherry tree, until their ex- 
crement became red". (They must have eaten buffalo berries, not wild 
cherries. La Fleche.) A^ba-hebe did not know the exact meaning of 
the name, but said that it referred to the bloody body of the buffalo 
seen when the seven old men visited this gens with the sacred pipes. 
(See § 16). Two Crows said that the Ii5g(fejide men give the following 
explanation: "jQ^jiiiga idai t6di, iiig^e zi-jide 6ga°": i. e., "When a 
buffalo calf is born, its dung is a yellowish red." 

The place of the Iflg^e-jide in the tribal circle is next to that of the 
,xa-da. Their head man is He-musnade. 



248 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Taboo. — They do uot eat a buffalo calf. (See j^e slade geus.) It appears 
tLat the two Ictasauda buffalo geutes are buffalo calf geiites, and that 
the two Haiigacenu buffalo gentes are connected with the grown buffalo. 

Decoration of shin tents. — This consists of a circle painted on each side 
of the entrance, within which is sketched the body of a buffalo calf, 
visible from the flanks up. A similar sketch is made on the back of the 
tent. 

§ 68. Birth names of boys. — These are as follows, but their exact order 
has not been gained : Buffalo calf. Seeks its Mother. Stands at the 
End. Horn Erect with the sharp end toward the spectator. Buffalo 
(calf ?) Rolls over. Made dark by heat very suddenly. Ma^zeda", mean- 
ing unknown. 

iSubgentes. — The liig^ejide are uot divided for marriage purposes. Lion, 
however, gave four subgeutes; but he could not give the names and ta- 
boos. He said that Horn Erect was the head of the first. The present 
head of the second is Little Star. Rolls over is the head of the third; 
and Singer of the fourth. 

Names of men. — Walking Buffalo. Buffalo Walks a little. (Buffaloes) 
Continue Approaching. Tent-poles stuck Obliquely in the ground. 
Becomes Cold suddenly. Hawk Temper. Bad Buffalo. (Buffalo calf) 
Seeks its Mother. (Buffalo bull) Eolls over. Stands at the End. 
Singer. Crow Skin. Small Bank. Kansas Head. Rapid (as a river). 
Sacred Crow that speaks in Visions. White Feather. Walks at the 
End. 

Names of io omen. — Moon-Hawk Female. Moon Horn Female. (Buf- 
faloes) Make the ground Striped as they run. Walks, seeking her own. 



THE ICTASANDA GENS. 

§ 69. The meaning of " Ictasauda" is uncertain; though Say was told 
by Dougherty that it signifies "gray eyes." It probably has some ref- 
erence to the effect of lightning on the eyes. The place of the Ictasauda 
is at the end of the tribal circle, after the Iiig(^e-jide, and opposite to the 
Weji^cte. The head of the gens is Ibaha"bi, sou of Wanujjige, and 
grandson of Wacka"hi. 

Taboo. — The Ictasauda people do not touch worms, snakes, toads, 
frogs, or any other kinds of reptiles. Hence they are sometimes called 
the " Wagf icka nikaci°'ga," or Reptile people. But there are occasions 
when they seem to violate this custom. If worms trouble the corn af- 
ter it has been planted, these people catch some of them. They pound 
them up with a small quantity of grains of corn that have been heated. 
They make a soup of the mixture and eat it, thinking that the corn will 
not be troubled again — at least for the remainder of that season. 

§ 70. Birth names of boys. — Ibaha"bi said that the first son was called 



D0111.EV.] THE ICTASANDA GENS. 249 

Ga:igig^e-hiia°, wbicli probably refers to thunder that is passing by. The 
second is, The Thunder-god is Roaring as he Stands. The third, Big 
Shoulder. The fourth, Walking Forked lightning. The fifth, The thun- 
der-god Walks lioaring. The sixth, Sheet lightning Makes a Glare in- 
side the Lodge. The seventh. The Thunder-god that Walks After others 
at the close of a storm. 

Birth names of girls. — The first is called The Visible (Moon) in Motion. 
The second, The Visible one tliat has Come back and is in a Horizontal 
attitude. The third, Zizika-wate, meaning uncertain; refers to wild 
turkeys. The fourth. Female (thunder?) who Roars. The tifth, She 
who is Ever Coming back Visibly (referring to the moon I). The sixth 
White Eyed Female in the distance. The seventh, Visible ones in dif- 
ferent places. 

§ 71. Subgentes. — For marriage purposes the gens is divided ioto 
three parts, according to La Flfeche and Two Crows. I. Niniba-t'a", 
Keei)ers of the Pipe, and Real Ictasauda, of which j^e-u^fa^ha, ^awaha, 
Waji"-a°ba, and Si-^ede-jiiiga are the only survivors. XL Waceta°, or 
Reptile people, under Ibaha°bi. III. Ing^a°, Thunder people, among who 
are Ui^a°be-a°sa and Wanace-jiiiga. 

Lion divided the gens into four parts. I. Niniba-t'a'', under jje-usja^ha. 
II. Real Ictasanda people, under Waji"-a"ba. HI. Waceta" (referring 
to the thunder, according to Lion, but denied by Two Crows), Reptile 
people, under Ibaha^bi. These are sometimes called Keepers of the 
Claws of the Wild-cat, because they bind these claws to the waist of a 
newborn infant, putting them on the left side. IV. The Real Thunder 
people are called. Those who do not touch the Clam shell, or, Keepers of 
the Clam shell, or. Keepers of the Clam shell and the Tooth of a Black 
bear. These bind a clam shell to the waist of a child belonging to this 
subgens, when ho is lorward in learning to walk. (See §§ 24, 43, 45, 
and 63.) 

At the time that Wani^a waq6 gave this information, March, 1880, he 
said that there were but two men left in theNiniba-t'a", j,e-uj[a"ha, and 
5jawaha. Now it appears that they have united with Waji"-a"ba and 
Si(jiede-jinga, the survivors of the Ictasandaqti. j,e ujia^ha, being the 
keeper of the Ictasanda sacred pipe, holds what was a very important 
oflQce, that of being the person who has the right to fill the sacred pii)es 
for the chiefs. (See §§ 17 and 18.) j,*'"^'^"'''^ 'loes not, however, 
know the sacred words used on such occasions, as his father, Mahi"zi, 
died without communicating them to him. 

But some say that there is another duty devolving on this keeper. 
There has been a custom in the tribe not to cut the hair of children 
when they were small, even after they began to walk. But before a 
child reached the age of four years, it was necessary for it to be taken, 
with such other children as had not had their hair cut, to the man who 
tilled the sacred pipes. Two or three old men of the Ictasanda gens sat 
together on that occasion. They sent a crier around the camp or vil- 



250 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

lage, saying, " You who wish to have your children's hair cut bring 
them." Then the father, or else the mother, would take the child, with 
a pair of good moccasins for the child to put on, also a present for the 
keeper of the sacred pipe, which might consist of a pair of moccasins, 
some arrows, or a dress, etc. When the parents had arrived with their 
children each one addressed the keeper of the pipe, saying, "Venerable 
man, you will jilease cut my child's hair," handing him the present at 
the same time. Then the old man would take a child, cut off one lock 
about the length of a finger, tie it up, and put it with the rest in a 
sacred buffalo hide. Then the old man put the little moccasii>s on the 
child, who had not worn any previously, and after turning him around 
four times he addressed him thus : " j^ucpaha, Wakan'da ^a'6^i(|!6-de 
j[^ci 7na"(;nii'ka si d^ag(J;6 tat^ — Grandchild, may Wal-atida pity you, and 
may yovrfeet rest for a long time on the ground!" Another form of the 
address was this : " Wakan'da (^a'eijii^e tat6 ! Ma°^iii'ka si A^ag(j;e tat6. 
Giidih^ga" hn6 tat6! — May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the 
ground! May you go ahead (i. e., may you live hereafter)!" At the 
conclusion of the ceremony the parent took the child home, and on 
arriving there the father cut off the rest of the child's hair, according to 
the style of the gens. La Fl^che told the following, in 1879 : " If it was 
desired, horns were left, and a circle of hair around the head, with one 
lock at each side, over the ear. Some say that they cut off more of the 
hair, leaving none on top and only a circle around the head." But the 
writrr has not been able to ascertain whether this referred to any par- 
ticular gens, as the Ictasanda or to the whole tribe. " It is the duty of 
Waji^-a^ba, of the Real Ictasanda, to cut the children's hair. The 
Keepers of the Pipe and the Real Ictasanda were distinct subgentes, 
each having special duties." [Frank La Fleche.) 

§ 72. Names of men. — j[e-ujia°ha (Sentinel Buffalo Apart from the 
herd) and his brother, ^[awaha, are the only survivors of the Keepers of 
the Pipe. Hauga-cenu and Mahi°-zi (Yellow Rock) are dead. 

II. Real Ictasanda people. — Waji°-a°ba and Small Heel are the only 
survivors. The following used to belong to this subgens : Reptile 
Catcher. (Thunder-god) Threatens to strike. Wishes to Love. Frog. 
(Thunder) Makes a Roar as it Passes along. Night Walker. Runs (on) 
the Land. Sacred Mouth. Soles of (gophers') Paws turned Outward. 
The Reclining Beaver. Snake. Touched the distant foe. Rusty-yellow 
Corn-husk (an Oto name). Young Black bear. He who Boiled a Little 
(a nickname for a stingy man). Small Fireplace. He who Hesitates 
about asking a favor. Maker of a Lowland forest. Stomach Fat. 

III. Waceta" suhgens. — Roar of approaching thunder. He who made 
the foe stir. He who tried to anticipate the rest in reaching the 
body of a foe. Cedar Shooter. Flat Water (the Platte or Nebras- 
ka). He is Known. Thunder-god) Roars as he Stands. Sharp Stone. 
(Thunder that) Walks after the others at the close of a storm. Big 
Shoulder. (Thunder) Walks On high. Wace-jiiiga (Small Reptile?) 



DOiisET.) THE ICTASANDA GENS. 251 

Wace-ta" (Standing Eeptilel) Wace-ta°-jiSga (Small Standing Eep- 
tile?). (Snake) Makes himself Round. Sheet-lightning Flashes Sud- 
denly. ForkedlijihtningWalks. Thunder makes he sound "z-f!" Black 
cloud in the horizon. Walks during the Night. White Disposition 
for, Sensible). Sole of the foot. He got the better of the Lodges (of 
the foe by stealing their horses). Ibaha°bi (He is Known) gave the 
following as names of Ictasanda men, but J. La Flfeche and Two Crows 
doubt them. Large Spotted Snake. (Snake) Makes (a frog) Cry out (by 
biting him).'' Small Snake.^ (Snake) Lies Stiff. Big Mouth. Black 
Eattlesnake. (Snake that) Puffs up itself. 

IV. Thunder subgens. — Sheet-lightning Flashes inside the Lodge. 
Swift at Running up a hill. Young Policeman. Cloud. He Walks 
with them. He who Is envied because he has a pretty wife, a good 
horse, etc., though he is poor or homely. 

Names of women. — Da°ama. She Alone is Visible. Skin Dress. She 
who Is returning Roaring or Bellowing. She who is made Muddy as 
she Moves. Moon has Returned Visible. Moon is Moving On high.' 

«These names are found in the corresponding Ponka gens, the Wajaje or Osage, a 

rejitile gens. 

'Mauy names have been omitted because an exact translation could not be given, 
though the references to certain animals or mythical ancestors are apparent. It is 
the wish of the writer to publish hereafter a comparative list of personal names of 
the cognate tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, Osagee, Kansas, and Kwapas, for which con- 
siderable material has been collected. 



OHAPTEE IV. 
THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE LAWS. 

CLASSES OF KINSHIP. 

§ 73. Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows recognize four classes of kin- 
ship: 

1. Consanguineous or blood kinship, which includes not only the gens 
of the father, but also those of the mother and grandmothers. 

2. Marriage kinship, including all the afdnities of the consort, as weU 
as those of the son's wife or daughter's husband. 

3. Weawa" kinship, connected with the Calumet dance. (See § 126.) 

4. Inter-gentile kinship, existing between contiguous gentes. This 
last is not regarded as a bar to intermarriage, e. g., the Weji°cte and 
liike sabe gentes are related ; and the Weji°cte man whose tent is at the 
end of his gentile area in the tribal circle is considered as a very near 
kinsman by the Iiike-sab6 man whose tent is next to his. In like manner, 
the Iiikesabe Wa(|;igije man who camps next to the Hanga gens is a brother 
of his nearest Hanga neighbor. The last man in the Hanga area is the 
brother of the first (JJatada (Wasabe-hit'aji), who acts as Qujia for the 
Haiiga. The last (JJatada 3[e-'i° man is brother of the first ^[a^ze man, 
and so on around the circle. 

Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by mem- 
bers of three tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La 
Fleche and Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives author- 
ities for each statement. 

5. Nikie kinship. "Nikie" means "Something handed down from 
a mythical ancestor," or "An ancient custom." Nikie kinship refers to 
kinship based on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor. 
For example, Big Elk, of the Omaha Weji°cte or Elk gens, told the 
writer that he was related to the Kansas Elk gens, and that a Weji°cte 
man called a Kansas Elk man " My younger brother," the Kansas man 
calling the Weji°cte " My elder brother." 

Icta(|;abi, an Ifliie sab6, and Ckdtceyiii'e, of the Missouri tribe, said 
that the Omaha Weji"cte calls the Oto Hotatci (Elk gens) "Elder 
brother." But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however, 
that his gens was related to the Ponka Nijjadaona, a deer and elk gens. 

Ictafabi said that Omaha Iuke-sab6, his own gens, calls the Ponka 
(fixida "Grandchild"; but others say that this is owing to intermar- 
riage. Ictafabi also said that luke-sabg calls the Ponka Wajaje " El- 
der brother" ; but some say that this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige, 
252 



KUItF.AU OF KTlIXOLOCy 




i EGO, a male. 

A Father group. 1"i]m\\, my J'niher. 

r~/f Motber group. r'iiii"lia, m\j moliter. 

15 Grandfather group. Wijiga" m// ijraiiUfather. 

<^/j Grand mother grouii. Wi>[a", mii graiidmolhir. 

Son group. Wijingp, my son. 

C^ Daughter group. Wijange, my (laii/ihtrr. 

]■) — /^ Graudchild group. W"\\nci>a. my grdiidrliihl. N. B — D denotes a graud- 
.son, ami /!/. a uranddaiiglitrr. 

E Elder In-other group. \ViJi"fc, my chin- lirothn: 

V Younger Iirolher group. Wisauga, my yoiiiiycr brother. 




X EGO, a female. A, C^ H, -9*?, C, ^ D, .0', F, II, and ,^ ' 

above. 
E Elder hrotler group. Wi^iuu, my dihr brother. 
E Elder sister group. Wija"^:e, my <liler sister. 
-A/ Younger si.><ter group. AVijnuge, my yoiiiiycr sister. 
I Brother's sou grou]). Wi(ueka, my l)rolher's son. 



OMAHA SV.STEM 



AXXUAI. hkpokt 1882 n,. xxxii 




-(^y( Sister group. Wijauge, mij sister. This term is also used by EGO, a 
female, for "My younger sister"; but EGO, a male, does not distin- 
guish between elder sister (O ) and younger sister (d>^ ). 
G Sister's son group. \Vi)a"cka, ini/ sister's son. 
J^ Sister's daughter group. Wi(ija", iiii/ sister's damjliter. 
H Mother's brother group. Wiuegi, iiii/ mother's brother. 
^2^-" Father's sister group. Wijiaii, mij father's sister. 
Affiuity groups in this part of the i>late : 
a Wife's brother or sister's husband gronp. ■'Vi)alia". iiiij lirother-iii-law. 
^ Wife's fis er or brother's wife group. Wihanga, »i// jioteiiliul irife. 
c Son'.s wife group. Wijini, m\j son's wife. 
d Daughter's husband group. Wijande, iny dauyhlir's husband. 




q(' lirotber's daughter group. Wijujange, mij brother's daughter. 

Affinity groui)s in this pirt of the plate: 
See above for explanation of r and d. 
e Husband's brother group. Wiei'e. my potential husband. 
/ Ilu.sbaud's sister group. Wici>|a", w.i/ husband's sister. 



WANGUIXITIES. 



uoiibEv] CLASSES OF KINSHIP. 253 

of the Inke-sabg gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Ponka Wijjaje 
his grandchild ; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So 
Icta^abi's statement was incorrect. 

Icta^abi and Ckatce-yine said that liike-sabg calls the Oto Aruqwa, 
orBufl'alogens, " Grandfather ; " and that the Oto Eiitce or Pigeon gens 
is called " Grandchild " by Iiikesab6. 

Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji called the Ponka Wasabe hi- 
t'aji "Grandchild"; but<j4^i° na^p^ji, of the Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji, said 
that his subgens called the Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji "Younger brother"; 
and (pixida andWajaje " Grandfather." Hupe(j;a, another member of the 
Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji, said that Ubiska of the PonkaWasabe hit'aji was 
Lis son; Ubiska's father, his elder brother (by marriage); and Ubiska's 
grandfather his (Hupe^a's) father. He also said that he addressed as 
elder brothers all Ponka men older than himself, and all younger than 
himself he called his younger brothers. 

Fire Chief of the Omaha Wajitiga-^ataji said thaf he called Ke5[r^5e, 
of the Oto Tuna"'p'i'' gens, his son ; the Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji, his elder 
brother; the Kansas Wasabe and Mijja, his fathers; the Kansas Eagle 
people, his fathers; the Kansas Turtle people, his elder brothers; the Oto 
Rutce (Pigeon people), his fathers; the Oto Mak4tce (Owl people), his 
sisters' sons; and the Winnebago Ho^tc (Black bear people), liis fathers. 

Omaha Ma°^iiika-gaxe calls Yankton-Dakota Tcaxii, " Sister's sons," 
but Tcaii'kut^, Ih4-isd4ye, Watc6u°pa, and Ikmu°', are "Grandsons." 

Xa-da calls Oto j^oexita (Eagle people) "Grandchildren"; and Ponka 
Hisada " Grandfathers." 

Icta^abi said that Ictasandacalled Ponka Maka"' " Mother's brother"; 
but Ibaha°bi, of the Ictasanda gens, denied it. Ibaha^bi said that he 
called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by the 
nikie, " My father," if the latter were very old; "My elder brother," if 
a little older than himself, and " My younger brother," if the latter were 
Ibaha^bi's junior. Besides, Ibaha"bi takes, for example, the place of 
Standing Bear of the Ponka Wajaje ; and whatever relationship Stand- 
ing Bear sustains to the Hisada, (pixida, Nikadaona, etc., is also sustained 
to the members of each gens by Ibaha°bi. 

G. Sacred Pipe kinship. Gahige, of the Omaha liike-sabg, said that 
all who had sacred pipes called one another " Friend." Ponka Wacabe 
and Omaha luke-sabe speak to each other thus. But Joseph La Fltehe 
and Two Crows deny this. 

CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP. 

§74. All of a man's consanguinities belong to fourteen groups, and a 
woman has fifteen groups of consanguinities. Many afiBuities are ad- 
dressed by consanguinity terms ; excepting these, there are only four 
groups of affinities. In the accompanying charts consanguinities are 
designated by capital letters and affinities by small letters. Roman let- 
ters denote males and script letters females. Some necessary excep- 
tions to these rules are shown in the Legends. 



254 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§ 75. Peculiarities of the Charts. — The most remote ancestors are called 
graudfatbers aud grandmothers, and the most remote descendant is ad- 
dressed or spoken of as a grandchild. 

Mj' brother's children (male speaking) are my children, because their 
mother {^ ) can become my wife on the death of their father. My 
brother's son (I) and daughter (^), female speaking, are my nephews 
and nieces. A man calls his sister's children his nephews and nieces (G 
and j^ ), and they do not belong to his gens. 

A woman calls her sister's children her own children, as their father 
can be her husband. (See "e.") My mother's brother's son (m. or f.sp.) 
is my mother's brother (H), because his sister (i;^^ ) ^^^ ^^ ™y father's 
wife. The son of an " H " is always an " H " and his sisters and daugh- 
ters are always "|^;:^'s." The children of (^^'s are always brothers 
and sisters to Ego (m. or f.), as are the children of A's. The husband of 
my father's sister (m. sp.) is my brother-in-law (a) because he can marry 
my sister (^ or (^1^^), and their children are my sister's children (G 
and "^^^ "). A brother of the real or potential wife of a grandfather is 
also a grandfather of Ego (m. or f.). The niece of the real or potential 
wife of my grandfather (m. or f. sp.) is his potential wife and my grand- 
mother, so her brother is my grandfather. 

§ 70. From these examples and from others found in the charts, it is 
plain that the kinship terms are used with considerable latitude, and not 
as we employ them. Whether Ego be a male or female, I call all men 
my fathers whom my father calls his brothers or whom my mother calls 
her potential husbands. I call all women my mothers whom my mother 
calls her sisters, aunts, or nieces, or whom my father calls his potential 
wives. 

I call all men brothers who are the sous of such fathers or mothers, 
and their sisters are my sisters. 1 call all men my grandfathers who 
are the fathers or grandfathers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my 
fathers or mothers call their mothers' brothers. I call all women my 
grandmothers who are the real or potential wives of my grandfathers, 
or who are the mothers or grandmothers ot my fathers or mothers, or 
whom my fathers or mothers call their fathers' sisters. 

T, a male, call all males my sons who are the sons of my brothers or 
of my potential wives, and the sisters of those sons are my daughters. 
I, a female, call those males my nephews who are the sons of my 
brothers, and the daughters of my brothers are my nieces ; but my sis- 
ter's children are my children as their father is my potential or actual 
liusband. I, a male, call my sister's son my nephew, and her daughter 
is my niece. I, a male or female, call all males and females my grand- 
children who are the children of my sons, daughters, nephews, or nieces. 
I, a male or female, call all men my uncles whom my mothers call their 
brothers. And my aunts are all females who are my fathers' sisters as 
well as those who are the wives of my uncles. But my father's sisters' 
husbands, I being a male, are my brothers-in-law, being the potential 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 




a /v a ^ D .c .CtC 

A A A A 




1 



„ -B c 1 o^tcI e^ 

A A 



C^' D /: >-C 

A 



Dr r-D2 



Affinities of j EGO, a male: 
g Wigaqfa", my wife. 

a Wife's brother groii]). Wiinlia", mi/ wi/t'/i hmthcr. 
i^ Wife's sister group. Wihau'ga, niii poienlial irifc. 

TLougli "My wife's niotlier's sister's busbaud" is wijifja", mil n>a»d- 
fdthir (see ]!*). that term, as apjilic-d to him, is seemingly without rea- 
son. — .losKPii La ri.ixiii:. 

'Die hiisliaiiil of my wife's sisler (/ ) is not always my eonsaiigiiinity, 
liiit if be is a kiusiuan, 1 call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother. 
Affinities of x ]"-<iO. a female: 
j^ Wieg^'iange, iiiij husbamJ. 

e Hiisbaud's brother gion p. Wiei'e. my jwlciiliiil liiiithaiid. 
jf Husband's sister gron]!. Wici>(a", mn linxhaniVx xisttfr. 



)M.\IIA SYS1 



AXXCAL nErORT 1882 PI.. XXXIII 




C ^ C ^ BJ a # Si^ C4 

\ A A A A 




'DS' 



"Df? C^" Id D@ &B 



Till- wife cif "e'' is my sister (svija°^e or wi jafige), my father'.s sister 
(wijinii), (ir my lirotLci's (laughter (wijnjarige), if related to Ego, a 
female, This kiii.ship will be expressed by E, l^, (2^, or oC ac- 
ennling to eircumstanees. See j in the chart. 

Artiiiities common to both sexes: 

B fiiaii(U':itlier uroiiii. \Vi)in;i", mij grnii(Unlli(r. 

C/J Oraudmother uroiip. \Vi>^a", nii/ graiidniolhrr. 

e Son's ^ife group. Wijini, miy joh's ici/'c 

(1 r);L lighter's liu.sbaiid group. Wiiandp, iiiii (hiiKjIiter's hiisbaud. 

C Son group. AVijinge, mi/ son. 

"~0 Daughter group. Wijauge my AaxKjMer. 

D — C/j Grundehihl group. AVitiicp.-i, hi_i/ .'/raiirfc/ii/ff (D, if male: (^y . if female). 



ATKIXITIES. 



DOBSEY.j CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP AFFINITIES. 255 

or real husbands of my sisters; and they are my potential husbands, 
when Ego is a female. 

AFFINITIES. 

§ 77. Any female is the potential wife of Ego, a male, whom my own 
wife calls her ija^cfie {E), itauge (i^^"), itimi {^2^ )i ^^ itujailge ( --/ ). I, 
a male, also call my potential wives those who the widows or wives of 
my elder or younger brothers. 

I, a male, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her 
elder or younger brother ; also any male who is the brother of my wife's 
niece or of my brother's wife. But my wife's father's brother is my 
grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential 
wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or 
of my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife. 
A man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father's sister, 
since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not my 
brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother's brother (H). Any male 
is my brother-in-law who is my sister's husband (a). But while my sis- 
ter's niece's husband is my sister's potential or real husband, he is my 
son-in-law, as he is my daughter's husband (d). I, a male or female, 
call any male my son-in-law who is the husband of my daugh' er (c^), my 
niece {j^ or ^ ), or of my grandchild {/^ ), and his father is my son- 
in-law. 

When I, a male, or female, call my daughter-in-law's father my grand- 
father, her brother is my grandchild (D). 

Any female is my daughter-in-law (male or female speaking) who is 
the wife of my son, nephew, or grandchild ; and the mother of my son- 
in-law is so called by me. Any male affinity is my grandfather (or father- 
in-law) who is the father, mother's brother, or gi^ndfather of my wife, 
my potential wife, or my daughter-in-law (the last being the wife of my 
son, nephew, or grandson). The corresponding female afiinity is my 
grandmother (or mother-in-law). 



MARRIAGE LAWS. 

§ 78. A man must marry outside of his gens. Two Crows, of the Haiiga 
gens, married a Weji°cte woman ; his father married a j^e-sinde woman 
his paternal grandfather, a Hanga man, married a Wasabe-hit'aji wo 
man ; and his maternal grandfather, a j^e-sinde man, married a x^-da 
It'aji woman. His son, Gai°'-baji, a Hanga, married an liikesabe wo 
man ; and his daughter, a Haiiga, married Qi^4-gah]ge, a jj^"tl^ '^an 
Caa"', a brother of Two Crows, and a Haiiga, married a j^ada woman, a 
daughter of the chief SinMc-xa"'xa". Another brother, Mi°x^-ta°, also 
a Hanga, married a ^ja^ze woman. 

Joseph La Elfeche's mother was a Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji woman; hence 
he belongs to that Ponka gens. His maternal grandfather, a Ponka 



256 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Wasabe-bit'iijT, married a Ponka Wajaje womau. Her father, a Wajaje, 
married a Poiika Maka" woman. 

Two Crows, being a Haiiga, cannot marry a Hauga woman, nor can 
lie marry a j^e-sinde woman, as tbey are all his kindred through his 
mother, lie cannot marry women belonging to the Wasabe hit'aji and 
j^e-dait'aji snbgentes (" iijjig^asne") of the (fatada gens, because his 
real grandmothers belouged to those subgentes. But he can marry 
women belonging to the other (fatada subgentes, the Wajinga-^ataji 
and g^e-'i", as they are not his kindred. In like manner Joseph La 
Fleche cannot marry a Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji woman, a Ponka Wajaje 
woman, or a Ponka Maka" womau. But he can marry an Omaha Wasa- 
be hit'aji woman, as she belongs to another tribe. 

Gai°baji cannot marry women belonging to the following gentes: 
Hauga (his father's gens), Weji^cte (his mother's gens), j,e-sinde (his 
paternal grandmother's gens), Wasabe-hit'aji, and j^e-da-ifaji. 

Gai''-baji's son caunot marry any women belonging to the following 
gentes: Iiike-sabe, Hauga, Weji°cte, jQesinde, or that of the mother of 
his mother. Nor could he marry a Wasabe-hit'aji or j^e-da-it'aji wo- 
man, if bis parents or grandparents were living, and knew the degree 
of kinship. But if they were dead, and he was ignorant of the fact 
tliat the women and he were related, he might marry oue or more of 
them. The same rule holds good for the marriage of Qi^a-gahige's son, 
but with the substitution of j^a-da for liike-sabg. 

Two Crows cauuot marry any Iiike-sabe woman belonging to the 
subgeus of his son's wife ; but he can marry one belonging to either 
of the remaining subgentes. So, too, he cannot marry a x^^"' wo- 
man belonging to the subgeus of Qi^a-gahige, his son-in-law, but he 
can marry any other j/i-da woman. As his brother Caa°, had mar- 
ried a X'^"dii woman of Siude-xa°xa"'s subgens, Two Crows has aright to 
marry any x^ il''' woman of her subgens who was her sister, father's 
sister, or brother's daughter. He has a similar privilege in the ^ja^ze 
gens, owing to the marriage of another brother, Mi°xa-ta". 

An Omaha Hauga man can marry a Kansas Hanga woman, because 
she belongs to another tribe. A Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji man can marry 
an Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji woman, because she belongs to a different 
tribe. 

WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CANNOT MAIiRT. 

A mail caunot marry any of the women of the gens of his father, as 
they are his graudmothers, aunts, sisters, nieces, daughters, or grand- 
children. He caunot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's 
mother, tor the same leason; but he can marry any womau belonging 
to the other subgentes of his paterual grandmother's gens, as they are 
not his kindred. The womeu of the subgens of his paterual grand- 
mother's mother are also forbidden to him ; but those of the renuiiuiug 
subgentes of that gens can become his wives, provided they are such 



L'0,;sEv.] MARRIAGE LAWS. 257 

as liave not become his mothers-in-law, daughters, or graudehildreu. 
(See § 7, 12G, etc.) 

A man cannot marry any women of his mother's gens, nor any of his 
maternal grandmother's subgens, nor any of the subgens of her mother, 
as all are his consanguinities. 

A man cannot marry a woman of the subgens of the wife of his sou, 
nephew, or grandson ; nor can he marry a woman of the subgens of 
the husband of his daughter, niece, or granddaughter. 

A man cannot marry any of his female aflinities who are his iiia°, be- 
cause they are the real or potential wives of his fathers-in-law, or of 
the fathers-in-law of his sons, nephews, or grandchildren. 

A man cannot marry any woman whom he calls his sister's daughter. 
He cannot marry any woman whom he calls his grandchild. This iQ- 
cludes his wife's sister's daughter's daughter. 

He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihaiiga, as 
such a daughter he calls his daughter. 

He cannot marry his sister's husband's sister, for she is his ijucpa, 
He cannot marry his sister's husband's father's brother's daughter, as 
she is his i^ucpa ; nor can he marry her daughter or her brother's daugh- 
ter, for the same reason. He cannot marry his sister's husband's (broth- 
er's) daughter, as she is his sister's potential-daughter, and he calls her 
his ijija". 

A woman cannot marry her son, the son of her sister, aunt, or niece ; 
her grandson, the grandson of her sister, aunt, or niece ; any man whom 
she calls elder or younger brother ; any man whom she calls her father's 
or mother's brother ; her i^iga" (including her consanguinities, her father- 
in-law, her brother's wife's brother, her brother's wife's father, her broth- 
er's son's wife's father, her brother's wife's brother's son, her father's 
brother's son's wife's brother, her grandfather's brother's sou's wife's 
brother) ; or any man who is her i^aude. 

WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CAN MARRT. 

A man can marrj- a woman of the gens of his grandmother, i)aternal 
or maternal, if the woman belong to another subgens. He can marry 
a woman of the gens of his grandmother's motber, if the latter belong 
to another subgens, or if he be ignorant of her kinship to himself. 

He can marry a woman of another tribe, even when she belongs to a 
geus corresponding to his own, as she is not a real kinswoman. 

He can marry any woman, not his consanguinity, if she be not among 
the forbidden affinities. He can marry any of his affinities who is his 
ihaiiga, being the ija^cjje, ijaiige, i^imi, or i^ujahge of his wife. And vice 
versa, any woman can marry a man who is the husband of her ija»(-e, 
i:(afige, i:>imi, or i:)ujauge. If a man has several kindred whom he calls 
his brothers, and his wife has several female relations who are his 
ibanga. the men and women can intermarry. 
3 ETH — 17 



258 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

IMPORTANCE OF THE SIBGEXTES. 

Were it not for the institution of subgeutes a man would be com- 
pelled to marry outside of bis tribe, as all the women would be his kin- 
dred, owing to previous intermarriages between the ten geutes. But in 
any gens those ou the other side of the gentile "unefe," or fire-place, 
are uot reckoned as full kindred, though they cannot intermarry. 

BEMARBIAGE. 

§ 79. A man takes the widow of his real or potential brother in order 
to become the stepfather (i^adi jiiiga, little father) of his brothei''s chil- 
dren. Should the widow marry a stranger he might hate the children, 
and the kindred of the deceased husband do not wish her to take the 
children so far away from them. Sometimes the stepfather takes the 
children without their mother, if she be maleficent. Sometimes the 
dying husband knows that his kindred are bad, so he tells his wife to 
marry out of his gens. When the wife is dying she may say to her 
brother, " Pity your brother-in-law. Let him marry my sister." 



OHAPTEE V. 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. 

§ 80. Age of puberty and marriage. — It is now customary for girls to 
be married at the age of fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years among the 
Omahas, and in the Ponka tribe they generally take husbands as soon 
as they enter their fifteenth year. It was not so formerly; men waited 
till they were twenty-five or thirty, and the women till they were twenty 
years of age. Then, when a consort was si)oken of they used to refer 
the matter to their friends, who discussed the characters of the parties, 
and advised accordingly, as they proved good (*. e., industrious and 
good-tempered, and having good kindred) or bad. Sometimes an Omaha 
girl is married at the age of fourteen or fifteen ; but in such a case her 
husband waits about a year for the consummation of the marriage. 
When a girl matures rapidly she is generally married when she is six- 
teen; but those who are slow to mature marry when they reach seven- 
teen. (See § 97.) 

Dougherty states ^in Longh Expedition to the Rocky Mountains^ \o\. 
1, p. 230) that "lu the Omawhaw nation numbers of females are be- 
trothed in marriage from their infancy. * * * Between the ages 
of nine and twelve years the young wife is occasionally an invited visit- 
ant at the lodge of her husband, iu order that she may become famil- 
iarized with his company and his bed." But such is not the case among 
the Omahas according to La Fl^che and Two Crows, who say that 
Dougherty referred to a Kansas custom. 

§ 81. Courtship. — The men court the women either directly or by 
proxy. The women used to weigh the matter well, but now they hasten 
to marry any man that they can get. Sometimes the girl told her 
kindred and obtained their advice. Parents do not force their daugh- 
ters to marry against their will. Sometimes a girl refuses to marry the 
man, and the parents cannot compel her to take him. All that they can 
do is to give her advice : " Here is a good young man. We desire you 
to marry him." Or they may say to the people, " We have a single 
daughter, and it is our wish to get her married." Then the men go to 
court her. Should the parents think that the suitor is not apt to make 
her a good husband they return his" presents. Suitors may cuny favor 
with parents and kindred of the girl bj- making presents to them, but 
parents do not sell their daughters. The presents made for such a pur- 
pose are generallj- given by some old man who wishes to get a very 
young girl whom he is doubtful of winning. When a man courts the 

•259 



2fiO OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

girl directly this is uunecessary. Theu lie gives what he pleases to her 
kindred, aud sometimes they make presents to him. 

When meu reach the age of forty years without haviug courted auy 
one the women generally dislike them, aud I'efuse to listen to them. 
The only exception is when the suitor is beneficent. Such a man gets 
his father to call four old men, by whom he sends four horses to the 
lodge of the girl's father. If the latter consents and the girl be willing 
he consults his kindred, and sends his daughter, with four horses from 
his own herd, to the lodge of the suitor's father. The latter often calls 
a feast, to which he invites the kindred of the girl, as well as those of 
his son. When the girl is sent away by her parents she is placed on one 
of the horses, which is led by an old man. There is not always a feast, 
and there is no regular marriage ceremony. 

A man of twenty-five or thirty will court a girl for two or three years. 
Sometimes the girl pretends to be unwilling to marry him, just to try 
his love, but at last she usually consents. 

Sometimes, when a youth sees a girl whom he loves, if she be willing, 
he says to her, " I will stand in that place. Please go thither at night." 
Then after her arrival he enjoys her, and subsequently asks her of her 
father in marriage. But it was different with a girl who had been 
petulant, one who had refused to listen to the suitor at first. He might 
be inclined to take his revenge. After lying with her, he might say, 
"As you struck me and hurt me, 1 will not marry you. Though you 
think much of yourself, I despise you." Then would she be sent away 
without winning him for her husband; and it was customary for the 
man to make songs about lier. In these songs the woman's name was 
not mentioned unless she had been a " mi°ckeda," or dissolute woman. 

One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in 
Dakota, he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting 
for a young girl to leave the Mission house. He learned that they were 
her suitors, and that they intended to run a race with her after they 
dismounted. Whoever could catch her would marry her ; but she would 
take care not to let the wrong one catch her. La Fl^che aud Two 
Crows maintain that this is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are 
sure that the girl (a widow) must have been a " mi°ckeda." 

§ 82. Marriage by elopement. — Sometimes a man elopes with a woman. 
Her kindred have no cause for anger if the man takes the woman as 
his wife. Should a man get angry because his single daughter, sister, 
or niece h<ad eloped, the other Omahas would talk about him, saying, 
"That man is angry on account of the elopement of his daughter!" 
They would ridicule him for his behavior. La Flfeche knew of but one 
case, and that a recent one, in which a man showed auger on such au 
occasion. But if the woman had been taken from her husband by an- 
other man Jier kindred had a right to be angry. Whether the woman 
belongs to the same tribe or to another the man can elope with her if 
she consents. The Omahas cannot understand how marriage by caj)- 



Dow^Ev.i COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. 261 

ture could take place, as the womau would be sure to alarm her people 
by her cries. 

§ S3. Customs suhsequent to marriage. — Sometimes the kindred of the 
husband are assembled by his father, who addresses them, saying, 
" My SOU'S wife misses her old home. Collect gifts, and let her take 
them to her kindred." Then the husband's kindred present to the wife 
horses, food, etc., and the husband's mother tells her daughter-in-law 
to take the gifts to her parents. When the husband and wife reach 
the lodge of the wife's parents the father calls his daughter's kindred 
to a feast and distributes the presents among them. By and by, per- 
haps a year later, the wife's kindred may assemble and tell the husband 
to take presents and food to his kindred, especially if the latter be poor. 
This custom is now obsolescent. 

§ 84. Polygamy. — The maximum number of wives that one man can 
have is three, e. g., the first wife, her aunt, and her sister or niece, if all 
be consanguinities. Sometimes the three are not kindred.' 

When a man wishes to take a second wife he always consults his iirst 
wife, reasoning thus with her : " I wish you to have less work to do, so 
I think of taking your sister, your aunt, or j-our brother's daughter for 
my wife. You can then have her to aid you with your work." Should 
the first wife refuse the man cannot marry the other woman. Gener- 
ally no objection is oflered, especially if the second woman be one of 
the kindred of the first wife. 

Sometimes the wife will make the proposition to her husband, " I 
wish you to marry my brother's daughter, as she and I are one flesh." 
Instead of " brother's daughter," she may say her sister or her aunt. 

The first wife is never deposed. She always retains the right to man- 
age household aflairs, and she controls the distribution of food, etc., 
giving to the other wives what she thinks they should receive. 

§ So. If a man has a wife who is active and skillful at dressing hides, 
etc., and the other wives are lazy or unskillful, he leaves them with 
their parents or other kindred, and takes the former wife with him when 
he goes with the tribe on the buffalo hunt. Sometimes he will leave this 
wife awhile to visit one of his other wives. But Dougherty was misin- 
formed when he was told that the skillful wife would be apt to show 
her jealousy by " knocking the dog over with a club, repulsing her own 
child, kicking the fire about, pulling the bed, etc." (see p. 232, Vol. I, 
Long's Eipedition to the Rocky ^lountains), for when a wife is jealous she 
scolds or strikes her husband or else she tries to hit the other woman. 

Polyandry. — The Omahas say that this has not been practiced among 
them, nor do the Poukas know this custom. But the terms of kinship 
seem to point to an age when it was practiced. 

§ 86. Permanence of marriage. — Among the Santee Dakotas, where 
mother- right prevails (1), a wife's mother can take her from the husband 

"The writer knew a bead chief that had four wives. 



262 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

and give her to anothei' man. Among the (JJegiha, if the husband is 
kind, the mother-in law never interferes. But when the husband is 
unkind the wife takes herself back, saying to him, '' I have had you 
for my husband long enough ; depart." Sometimes the father or elder 
brother of the woman says to the husbaud, " You have made her suffer; 
you shall not have her for a wife any longer." This they do when he 
has beaten her several times, or has been cruel in other ways. But 
sometimes the woman has married the mau in si)ite of the warnings of 
her kindred, who have said to her, " He is maleficent; do not take him 
for your husband." When such a woman repents, and wishes to aban- 
don her husband, her male kindred say to her, " Not so ; still have him 
for your husband ; remain with him always." Thus do they jiunish her 
for not having heeded their previous warnings. When they are satis- 
fied with each other they always stay together ; but should either one 
turn out bad, the other one always wishes to abandon the unworthy 
consort. 

■When parents separate, the children are sometimes taken by their 
mother, and sometimes by her mother or their father's mother. Should 
the husband be unwilling, the wife cannot take the children with her. 
Each consort can i-emarry. Sometimes one consort does not care whether 
the other one marries again or not; but occasionally the divorced wife 
or husband gets angrv on hearing of the remarriage of the other. 



DOMESTIC ETIQUETTE BASHFULNESS. 

§ 87. A man does not speak to his wife's mother or grandmother; he 
and she are ashamed to speak to each other. But should his wife be 
absent he sometimes asks her mother for information, if there be no 
one present through whom he can inquire. 

In former days it was alwajs the rule for a mau not to speak to his 
wife's parents or grandparents. He was obliged to converse with them 
through his wife or child, bj- addressing the latter and requesting him 
or her to ask the grandparent for the desired information. Then the 
grandparent used to tell the man's wife or child to say so and so to the 
man. In like manner a woman cannot speak directly to her husband's 
father under ordinary circumstances. They must resort to the medium 
of a third party, the woman's husband or child. But if the husbaud 
and child be absent, the woman or her father-in-law is obliged to make 
the necessary inquiry. 

A woman never jtasses in front of her daughter's husbaud if she can 
avoid it. The son-in-law tries to avoid entering a place where there is 
no one but his mother in law. When at the Ponka mission, in Dakota, 
the writer noticed the Pouka chief. Standing Bnfl'alo,oue day when he 
entered the schoolroom. When he saw that his mother-iu-law was 



DonsEY] DOMESTIC ETIQUETTE BASHFULXESS PREGNANCY. 263 

seated there, he turned around very quickly, tlirew his blanket over 
his head, and went into another part of the houce. 

Another custom prevails, which Dougherty described thus : '• If a 
Ijerson enters a dwelling in which his sou-inlaw is seated, the latter 
turns his back, and avails himself of the first opportunity to leave the 
premises. If a person visits his wife during her residence at the lodge 
of her father, the latter averts himself, and conceals his head with his 
robe, and his hospitality is extended circuitously by means of his daugh- 
ter, by whom the pipe is transferred to her husband to smoke." He also 
said that if the mother-in-law wished to present her son-in-law with 
food, it was invariably handed to the daughter for him ; and if the 
daughter should be absent, the mother-in-law placed the food on the 
ground, and retired from the lodge that he might take it up and eat it." 
(Long's Expedition to the Eooky Mountai7is, Vol. I, pp. 253, 254.) The 
Dakotas have this custom and call it "wistenkiyapi." 



PREGNANCY. 

§ 88 The woman, when she perceives that the catamenia does not 
recur at the expected period, begins to reckon her pregnancy from the 
last time that she "dwelt alone." As the months pass, she says, "Mi"' 
g4na b(fi"'," / am that mimher of months (with child). If she cannot tell 
the exact number of months, she asks her husband or some old man to 
count for her. At other times, it is the husband who asks the old man. 
They calculate from the last time that the woman "dwelt alone." 

Dougherty says that he did not hear of any case of " longing, or of 
nausea of the stomach, during pregnancy." 

§ 89. Gouvade, Fwticide, and Infanticide. — Couvade is not practiced 
among the ^^egiha. Foeticide is uncommon. About twenty-two j^ears 
ago. Standing Hawk's wife became enciinte. He said to her, "It is bad 
for you to liave a child. Kill it." She asked her mother for medicine. 
The mother made it, and gave it to her. The child was still-born. The 
daughter of Wacka°-ma°(|!i° used to be very dissolute, and whenever 
she was pregnant she killed the child befoi-e birth. These are excep- 
tional cases ; for they are very fond of their children, and are anxious 
to have them. Infanticide is not known among them. 

§ 90. Accouchement. — The husband and his children go to another 
lodge, as no man must witness the birth. Only two or three old women 
attend to the patient. In some cases, if the patient be strong, she 
"takes" the child herself, but requires assistance subsequently. Should 
the woman continue in pain for two or three days without delivery, a 
doctor is sent for, and he comes with a medicine that is very bitter. 
He departs as soon as he has caused the patient to drink the medicine. 
There are about two or three Omahas who know this medicine, which 
is called Niaci°ga maka°, Human-being medicine. The wiiter saw one 



264 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

of these roots at the Kaw Agency, Indian Territory. It is used by 
the Kansas. The doctor never comes of his own accord. After hav- 
ing given this medicine two or three times without success, he says, " I 
have failed, send for some one else." Then another doctor comes, and 
tries his medicine. Very few Omaha girls die in child-bed. 

After delivery the patient is bound tightly about the abdomen, to 
reduce the size, as is the custom among civilized nations. Then is she 
washed in cool water if it be summer time, but in tepid water if it be 
cold weather. She must bathe twice a day. Mr. Hamilton was told 
that "the flow of blood ceased then to a great extent, especially after a 
few days ; seldom lasting beyond ten days." La Fl^che said that the 
women do not tell about the cessation of the flow. When the woman 
is strong she may go to work on the following day; but if she be weak 
she may require a fortnight or three weeks for recovering her strength. 

When the husband asks about the infant, and they reply "It is a 
boy," or " It is a girl," he is very glad. Sometimes the husband treats 
a girl infant better than a boy, saying, " She cannot get anything for her- 
self, whereas a son can take care of himself, as he is strong." Mr. Ham- 
ilton says, "I have heard of cases of severe labor. Women act as 
midwives, and with some skill, removing the placenta when adhering 
to the uterus, and in the usual manner." 

Soon after birth the child is washed all over, wrapped in clothes, 
which are bound loosely around it. About two or three days after birth 
the infant's father or grandfather gives it a name, which is not always 
a nikie name. (See the account of the ceremony in the jjuda gens, 
when a child is four days old, § 65.) Sometimes it is put into the 
cradle or board in two or three days; sometimes in about a week. 

•Nursing. — Another woman serves as wet-nurse till the mother's 
breasts are full of milk. Mammary abscess is very rare, 

§ 91, Number of children.— In lS19-':iO Dougherty wrote thus: "Ster- 
ility, although it does occur, is not frequent, and seems to be mostly 
attributable to the husband, as is evinced by subsequent marriages 
of the squaws. The usual number of children may be stated at from 
four to six in a family, but in some families there are ten or twelve. 
Of these the mother has often two at the breast simultaneously, of 
which one may be three years of age. At this age, however, and 
sometimes rather earlier, the child is weaned by the aid of ridicule, 
in which the parents are assisted by visitors." lu 1882 La Fi^che and 
Two Crows declared that there are many cases of barrenness. Chil- 
dren are not very numerous. While some women have seven, eight, 
nine, or even ten children, they are exceptional cases. And when a 
woman gives birth to so many, they do not always reach maturity. 
There are women who have never borne any children, and some men 
have never begotten any. One woman, who is of Blackfoot origin, is 
the wife of James Springer, an Omaha, and she has borne him twelve 
children ; but no other woman has had as many. 



ACCOUCHMENT — CHILDREN. 265 



CHILDREN. 



§ 92. Diseases of children. — Snminei' cotnplaiut from teething is rare. 
Diarrhea, liowever, occurs frequently, even in children who walk, and 
when they are about four feet high. This may be accounted for as fol- 
lows : their mothers' milk or other food disagrees with them. Dough- 
erty found that during their first year the Omaha children suffered more 
from constipation than from any other complaint ; and he said that this 
was relieved by soap suppositories. This is not the case now, accord- 
ing to La Fleche and Two Crow.'? ; and the writer never heard of its 
prevalence when he resided among the Ponkas and Omahas. 

§ 93. Adoption of children. — The Omaha idea of adoption differs from 
ours. Amemberof the same gens, or one who is a consanguinity cannot 
be adopted ; he or she is received by a relation. Two examples of this 
were told to the writer : Gahige received Wacuce's eldest sou when the 
father died, because the former had been the potential father of the 
youth, who succeeded Wacuce as custodian of the sacred pipes. Now 
Gahige keeps the pipes himself for his son. A°pa°-ska, of the Weji°ete 
gens, gave his son, Bi"ze-tig^e, to his chief, Mahi°-^iuge, to be his son and 
servant. Mahi°(J;ii3ge having received his kinsman, the latter has be- 
come the keeper of the treaty between the United States and the Oma- 
has. This boy is about sixteen years of age. 

Omaha adoi^tion is called " ci6gi(f6," to tale a person instead of ogle's 
own child. This is done when the adopted person resembles the de- 
ceased child, grandchild, nephew, or niece, in one or more features. It 
takes place without any ceremonj-. An uncle by adoption has all the 
rights of a real uncle. For example, when Mr. La Fl^che's daughter 
Susette wished to go to the Indian Territory to accept a situation as 
teacher, and had gained the consent of her parents. Two Crows inter- 
posed, being her uncle by adoption, and forbade her departure. (See 
§§ lis and 126.) 

§ 94. Glotking of children. — Children were dressed in suits like those 
of their parents, but they used to wear robes made of the skins of the 
deer, antelope, or of buffalo calves. When the boys were very small, 
say, till they were about four years old, they used to run about in warm 
weather with nothing on but a small belt of cloth around the waist, ac- 
cording to Dougherty ; and the writer has seen such boys going about 
entirely naked. Girls always wear clothing, even when small. When 
a boy was eight years old, he began to wear in winter leggings, mocca- 
sins, and a small robe. 

§ 95. Child life. — The girl was kept in a state of subjection to her 
mother, whom she was obliged to help when the latter was at work. 
When she was four or five years old, she was taught to go for wood, 
etc. When she was about eight years of age, she leai'ned how to make 
up a pack, and began to carry a small pack on her back. If she was 
disobedient, she received a blow on the head or back from the hand of 



2G6 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Ler mother. As she grew older, she learned how to cut wood, to culti- 
vate COM), and other branches of an Indian woman's work. When a 
girl was about three feet high, she used to wear her hair tied up in 
four rolls, one on top of her head, one at the back, and one at each side. 
This lasted till she was about six years old. The girl manifested the 
most affectionate regard for her parents and other near kindred. 

With a boy there was not so much strictness observed. He had more 
liberty allowed him ; and at an early age he was furnished with a bow 
and blunt arrows, with which he practiced shooting at marks, then at 
birds. He had his sports as well as the girl, though it was not usual 
for many boys and girls to play together. If a boy played with girls 
(probably with those who were not his sisters), the Ponkas referred to 
him as a " mi°quga " or hermaphrodite. Both sexes were fond of mak- 
ing houses in the mud, hence the verb, '^igaxe, to make Mges, to play 
games. 

Joseph La F16clie used to punish his sou, Frank, by tying him to a 
chair with a cord and saying to him, " If you break the cord I will strike 
you." 

When a boy was seven or eight years old he was expected to ixn- 
dergo a fast for a single day. He had to ascend a bluff and remain 
there, crying to Wakanda to pity him and make him a great man. 
Dougherty said that the boy rubbed white clay over himself, and went 
to the bluff at sunrise. When the boy was about sixteen years of age 
he had to fast for two days in succession. This had to be without any 
lire, as well as without food and drink ; hence, it was not practiced in 
the winter nor in the month of March. The period of fasting was pro- 
longed to four daj's when the boy was from eighteen to twenty years 
of age. Some youths fasted in October ; some fasted in the sjiring, 
after the breaking up of the ice on the Missouri Eiver. The same youth 
might fast more than once in the course of the year. Some who fasted 
thought that Wakanda spoke to them. 

Boys took part with their elders in the Hede-watci, when they danced, 
stripped of all clothing except the breech-cloth. 



STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY. 

§ 96. The women had an equal standing iu society, though their du- 
ties differed widely from what we imagine they should be. On cold 
days, when the husband knew that it was difiicult for the woman to 
pursue her usual occupations, he was accustomed to go with her to 
cut wood, and he used to assist her in carrying it home. But on 
■warm days the woman used to go alone for the wood. The women 
used to dress the hides at home, or at the tent iu which she was 
staying when the people were traveling. When a woman was strong 
she hoed the ground and planted the corn ; but if she was delicate or 



Doi:sEY.J STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY, ETC. 267 

weak, her liusbaud was williug to help her by hoeing with her. The 
woman did the work which she thought was hers to do. She always 
did her work of her own accord. The husband had his share of the 
labor, for the man was not accustomed to lead an idle life. Before 
the introduction of firearms the man had to depend on his bow and 
arrows for killing the buffaloes, deer, etc., and hunting was no easy task. 
The Indian never hunted game for sjjort. 



CATAMENIA. 

§ 97. The sexual peculiarity was considered as " Wakan'da^a'cfica"," 
pertaining to WaTianda. In the myth of the Eabbit and the Black 
Bears, Mactciiige, the Rabbit, threw a piece of the Black Bear chief 
against his grandmother, who had offended him, thereby causing her 
to have the catamenia. From that time women have been so affected. 
Among the Omahas and Ponkas the woman makes a different fire for 
four days, dwelling in a small lodge, apart from the rest of the house- 
hold, even in cold weather. She cooks and eats alone, telling no one 
of her sickness, not even her husband. Grown people do not fear 
her, but children are caused to fear the odor which she is said to 
give forth. If any eat with her they become sick in the chest, very 
lean, and their lips become parched in a circle about two inches in di- 
ameter. Their blood grows black. Children vomit. On the fourth or 
fifth day, she bathes herself, and washes her dishes, etc. Then she can 
return to the household. Another woman who is similarly affected can 
stay with her in the small lodge, if she knows the circumstances. Dur- 
ing this period, the men will neither lie nor eat with the woman ; and 
they will not use the same dish, bowl, and spoon. For more than ten 
years, and since they have come in closer contact with the white peoi)le, 
this custom of refusing to eat from the same dish, etc., has become ob- 
solete. Dougherty stated that in the young Omaha female, catamenia 
and consequent capability for child-bearing, took place about the twelfth 
or thirteenth year, and the capacity to bear children seemed to ceas^e 
about the fortieth year. This agrees in the main with what the writer 
has learned about the age of puberty (§ 80) and the law of widows (§ 98). 
La Flfiche said that the change of life in a woman occiirs perhaps at 
forty years of age, and sometimes a little beyond that age. 



WIDOWS AND WIDOWERS. 

§ 98. Widows. — A widow was obliged to wait from four to seven 
years aiter the death of her husband before marrying again. This was 
done to show the proper respect to his memory, and also to enable her 



268 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

to weau ber infant, if she had one by him, before she became enceinte 
by her next husband. When a woman disregarded this custom and 
married too soon, she was in danger of being punished by the kindred 
of the deceased husband. If they could catch her within a certain pe- 
riod, they had the right to strike her on the head with knives, and 
to draw the blood, but they could not inflict a fatal blow. Ifow, if 
widows are ui:der forty years of age they can marry in two or three 
years after the death of the first husband ; but if they are over forty 
years of age, they do not remarry. 

§ 99. Stepmothers. — Some are kind, others are cruel. But in the lat- 
ter event there are certain remedies — the husband may separate from 
his wife, or else some of the kindred of the children may take charge 
of them. 

§ 100. Widowers. — Men used to wait from four to seven years before 
they remarried ; now they do not wait over one or two years. The kin- 
dred of the deceased wife used to take a man's ponies from him if he 
married too soon. Sometimes they became angry, and hit him ; but if 
he waited a reasonable time, they had nothing to say. There is a sim- 
ilar custom among the Otos and Pawnees. Sometimes a man loved his 
wife so dearly that after her death he remained a widower a long time. 
At last some of the kindred of the deceased woman would say to one 
another, " See! this man has no one to sew his moccasins ; seek a wife 
for him (among our women)." Then this would be done, and he would 
be induced to marry again. 



RIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS. 

§ 101. Bights of parents and other Mndred. — Parents had no right to 
put their children to death ; nor could they force them to marry against 
their will. Mothers' brothers and brothers seem to have more author- 
ity than the father or mother in matters relating to a girl's welfare. 
They were consulted before she was bestowed in marriage, unless 
she eloped with her husband. A mother could punish a disobedient 
daughter when the latter was a child and refused to learn to work. 
Kindred had the right to avenge the death of one of their number. 

§ 102. TJfxqS, or Refugees. — They have no special rights, as such; but 
they share the privileges of the people with whom they dwell, and with 
whom they sometimes intermarry. Omahas have joined the Ponka 
tribe, as in the case of Ma"tcu-sinde-<J;iiige, and Poukas have been in- 
corporated into the Omaha tribe, as in the cases of Jabe-ska, j^enicka, 
and Mr. La Fleche himself. 

§ 10;5. Isinu. — An isiuu is an unmarried youth, or man who dwells in 
the lodge of one of his friends or kindred. He may be the kinsman of 
the liusband or of the wife. He is also called a wama"he. 



DOBSEv.] RIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS, ETC. 269 

Wama'^'he and Ama^lie. — The owner of a lodge, whether a mau or a 
woman, is the ama°he, and the isinu is the wama"he, who has no lodge 
of his own, and is obliged to ask for shelter of some one who is more 
favored than himself. While the wama°he has shelter he is expected 
to do his share of the hunting of game, etc., just as all the other male 
members of the household do, and he must bring it in for the benefit 
of his host and the household. Sometimes the ama°he gives a skin 
tent to the wama°he, who then goes elsewhere, as he has a lodge of 
his own. 

Only those men are celibates who cannot get wives. There are no 
single women, as the demand is greater than the supply. 



PERSONAL HABITS, POLITENESS, ETC. 

§ 104. Personal habits. — The Omahas generally bathe (hi(f^) every day 
in warm weather, early in the morning and at night. Some who wish 
todo so bathe also at noon. "Jackson," amemberof the Elk gens, bathes 
every day, even in winter. He breaks a hole in the ice on the Missouri 
Eiver and bathes, or else he rubs snow over his body. In winter the 
Omahas heat water in a kettle and wash themselves (i[ig<fija). This oc- 
curs in some cases every week, but when a person is prevented by much 
work it is practiced once in two or three weeks. There are some who 
are not so particular about washing. One chief, Wacka^-ma^^i", was 
nickamed "The man who does not wash his hands," and his wife was 
styled " The woman who does not comb her hair." Wacka^-ma"^!" heard 
of this, and it shamed him into better habits. It was always the custom 
to brush and comb their hair, and the writer has a specimen, " qade-iui- 
j[ahe," such as served the Omahasof a former generation for both brush 
and comb. The Ponkas used to bathe in the Missouri every day. The 
Pawnees used to neglect this custom, but of late years they have ob- 
served it. La Fl^che and Two Crows prefer the sweat-bath to all other 
ways of cleansing the body. They say that it is not a sacred rite, 
though some Indians pretend that it is such; and it is so described in 
the myths. Cedar twigs are still dropped on the hot stones to cause a 
perfume. 

§ 105. Politeness. — When friends or kindred have not met for about a 
month they say, on meeting, "Hau! kag^ha," Ho! younger brother, 
" Hau ! negiha," Ho ! motlierh brother, etc., calling each other by their 
respective kinship titles, if there be any, and then they shake hands. 
There are no other verbal salutations. Parents kiss their children, 
especially when they have been separated for any time, or when they are 
about to part. When the chief, Standing Grizzly Bear, met Peter Pri- 
meau, Ma'^tcu-hi-'^qtijand Cahie(|;a at Xiobrara iu January, ISSl, he em- 
braced them, and seemed to be very deeiily affected. La Flfeche and 



270 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Two Crows did not kuow about this custom, which may liave beeu bor- 
rowed by the Poukas from the Dakotas. 

Wheu persous attend feasts they extend their hands and return 
thanks to the giver. So also when they receive presents. When favors 
are asked, as when the cliiefs and brave men interpose to jirevent the slay- 
ing of a murderer, each extends a band with the palm towards the would- 
be avengers, or he may extend both hands, calling the people by kin- 
ship titles, with the hope of appeasing them. If a man receives a 
favor and does not manifest his gratitude, they exclaim, " Waje-^iiige 
^ha"!" — He does not appreciate the gift! He has no manners! They 
apply the same expression to the master of a tent who does not show- 
any desire to be hospitable to a visitor. 

A person is never addressed by name, except when there are two or 
more present who are of the same kinship degree. Then they must be 
distinguished by their names. They seldom call a person by name when 
speaking about him. This rule is not observed when guests are invited 
to feasts. The criers call them by name. When men return from war 
the old men, who act as criers, halloo and recount the deeds of each war- 
rior, whom they mention by name. After a battle between the Ponkas 
and Dakotas, in 1873, as the former were returning to the village after 
the repulse of the latter, ]Sra"be-^ij[u, of the Wajaje gens, stopped at 
the house of Ma^tcu-^anga, who had distinguished himself in the fight. 
Na"be-^i5[U gave a yell, and after leaping a short distance from the 
ground, he struck the door of the house with the blunt end of the spear, 
exclaiming " Ma°tcu-!)aiiga, you are a Wajaje!" In making presents, 
as after returning from war, the donor can mention the name of the 
donee. 

People never mention the names of their parents or elders, of their 
ii^iga", i5[a°, etc. A woman cannot mention her i^inu's name ; but if her 
Isanga (younger brother) be small, she can call his name. 

Mothers teach their children not pass in front of people, if they can 
avoid it. Young girls cannot speak to any man except he be a brother, 
father, mother's brother, or a grandfather, who is a consanguinity. 
Otherwise they would give rise to scandal. Girls can be more familiar 
with their mother's brother than witli their owu brothers. Even boys 
are more familiar with their mother's brother than with their own father, 
and they often play tricks on the former. 

Politeness is shown by men to women. Men used to help women and 
children to alight from horses. When they had to ford streams, the 
men used to assist them, and sometimes they carried them across on 
their backs. Even if a man is not the woman's husband, he may offer 
to carry her over instead of letting her wade. One day, a young woman 
who was on her way to Decatur, Nebr., with her brother, wished to stop 
at a spring, as she was thirsty. The ground by the spring was muddy, 
and the womau would have soiled her clothing had she knelt. But just 
then Maxewa^e rode up and jumped from his horse. He ijulled up some 



iioicm:v.1 personal HABITS, POLITENESS, ETC. 271 

glass aud placed it on the ground, so that the woman might diiuk with- 
out soiling her dress. Such occurrences have been common. 

§ 106. Eonpitality. — All who are present at meal-time receive shares 
of the food. Even if some who are not on friendly terms with the host 
hapi)en to enter suddenly they partake. But only friends are invited 
to feasts. Should one arrive after all the food has been divided among 
the guests, the host gives i)art of his share to the new-comer, saying, 
''Take that." The new-comer never says, -'Give it to me." Should a 
woman come the host gives her some of the uncooketl food, and tells 
her to take it home aud boil it. Sometimes the host sees several unin- 
vited ones looking on. Then he tells his wife to boil some food for them. 
Or, if the wife was the first to notice their preseuce, she asks her hus- 
band's permission. He replies, "Yes, do it." 

Here aud there in the tribe are those who are stingy, and who do not 
show hospitality. Should an enemy appear in the lodge, aud receive a 
mouthful of food or water, or put the pipe in his mouth, he cannot be 
injured by any member of the tribe, a« he is bound for the time being 
by the ties of hospitality, and they are compelled to protect him, and 
send him to his home in safety. But they may kill him the next time 
that they meet him. 

Wheu a visitor enters a lodge to which he has not been invited (as to 
a feast), he passes to the right of the fire-place, and takes a seat at the 
back of the lodge opposite the door. 

The master of the lodge may sit where he pleases ; and the women have 
seats by the entrance. Sometimes there is an aged male kinsman staying 
at the lodge, and his place is on the right side of the fire-place near the 
entrance. (Frank La Flfeche. Compare § 112, as given by his father.) 



MEALS, ETC. 

§ 107. Meals. — When the people were traveling iu search of buffaloes, 
they generally had but two meals a day, one in the morning before they 
struck the tents, and one in the evening after they pitched the tents. 
But if they moved the camp early in the morning, as in the summer, 
they had thi-ee meals — breakfast, before the camp was moved; dinner, 
when they camped again; aud supper, when they camped for the uight. 
During the winter, they stopped their march early iu the afternoon, and 
ate but one meal during the day. When the camp remained stationary, 
they sometimes had three meals a day, if the days were long. They ate 
5a(dried buffalo meat), c^auujja (fresh meat), and wata°zi (corn), which 
satisfied their hunger. And they could go a long time without a meal. 
Soup was the only drink during meals. They drank water after meals, 
wheu they were thirsty. They washed the dishes iu water, and rubbed 
them dry with twisted grass. The trader's story iu Loncjh Expedition to 



272 OMAHA SOCIOLOGV. 

the Rocky Mountains, Vol. I, pp. 322, 323, if true, relates to some otber 
tribe. 

The average amouut of meat at a meal for au adult was two pounds, 
but some ate three pounds. The maximum quautity was about four 
I)ouuds. 

§ 108. During the suu-dance, the Ponkas pretended to go without food 
or drink for three days and nights; but uear the sun-pole could be found 
a bulbous root, which was used by the dancers for satisfying hunger 
and thirst. This secret was told the writer by a man, an iutlueutial 
chief, who had taken part in the dance in former years. This dance is 
of Dakota origin, and is not practiced among the Omahas. 

§ 109. At the present day, the Omahas use wheat, flour, sugar, coifee, 
tea, bacon, and other kinds of provisions introduced by the white people. 
They have been familiar with wheat for the past forty years. Many 
subsist chiefly on corn, as they cannot aflbrd to buy great quantities of 
the provisions which have been mentioned. But while they are fond of 
wheat bread, they cannot be induced to eat corn bread in anj- shape, and 
they never have their corn ground into meal. All try to have sugar and 
cott'ee three times a day, even if they are compelled to go without meat. 
Within the past twenty years they have found a substitute for tea. It 
is made of the leaves or roots of one of the two si)ecies of ";abe-hi." 
One kind is called "na^'pa-^an'ga ijab^hi," or "large cherry :(abe-hi''; 
but the species of which the tea is made is the ^ab^-hi, which spreads out, 
resembling twigs. It grows on hills, and its large roots hinder the break- 
ing of tlie prairie. The leaves, which are prefen-ed for making the tea, 
resemble those of red cherry-trees, though they are smaller. When leaves 
cannot be obtained, they boii chips of the roots, which makes the water 
very red. The taste resembles that of the Chinese tea. (See § 177.) 

§ 110. Cannibalism. — Cannibalism is not practiced among the Omahas 
and Ponkas, and it has been of rare occurrence among the lowas. Mr. 
Hamilton says : " I have heard of an old Iowa chief who roasted and ate 
the ribs of an Osage killed in war ; also of some one who bit the heart 
of a Pawnee, but this was evidently done for the purpose of winning a 
reputation for bravery." 

§ 111. Feasts.— See §§ 81, 83, lOG, 119, 121, 130, 143, 151, 187-8, 195-C, 
217, 219, 2-10, 249-50, 274, and 289. 

During the buffalo hunt and just before starting on it the only gens 
that invited guests to feasts was the Hauga. And whenever any im- 
portant matters, such as the ceremonies connected with planting corn, 
required deliberation, it was the duty of the Haiiga chief to prepare a 
feast and invite the chiefs and other guests. (See §§ 18, 130.) On or- 
dinary occasions, any one can have a feast. (See § 246.) Then the 
principal guest sits at the back of the lodge, opposite the door, on the 
right of which are the seats of the wag((;a, the host's seat being on the 
left of the entrance. As the guests enter they pass to the left and 
around the circle, those coming first taking seats next the wag^a, and 



DORSET. I CANNIBALISM, FEASTS, ETC. 273 

the last oues arriviug- finding placesuear tlio host. Two young men who 
take out the meat, etc., from the kettles, have no fixed places for sitting. 

They give feasts to get horses and other presents, to win a reputa- 
tion for generosity, and perhaps an election to the chieftainship ; also 
for social and other purposes. 

The Mandan feast. — The following is an account of a feast given by 
the Mandan dancing society : "When the food has been prepared the 
crier or herald calls for those to come to the feast who take part in the 
dance. To bad men he says, ' Do not come to the feast at which I am 
going to eat,' and they stay away. Should the guests be slow in com- 
ing, the last one who arrives is punished. He is compelled to eat a 
large quantity of food, 6, 8, or 10 pounds. The others sit waiting for 
him to eat all that has been placed before him, and as they wait they 
shake the rattles of deer-claws and beat the drum. This is not a 
sacred rite, but an amusement. If the man finds that he cannot eat all 
in his bowl, he looks around the circle and finds some one to whom he 
gives a blanket, shirt, gun, or a pair of leggings, with the rest of the 
food saying, ' Frien<l, help me (by eating this).' Should the second 
man fail to eat all, he in turn must make a present to a third man, and 
induce him to finish the contents of the bowl. Sometimes horses are 
given as presents. Should a man come without an invitation, just to 
look on, and enter the lodge of his own accord, he must give presents 
to several of the guests, and depart without joining in the feast. When 
one smokes, he extends the pipe to another saying, ' Smoke.' The sec 
oud man smokes without taking hold of the pipe. Should he forget 
and take hold of it, all the rest give the scalp-yell, and then he is 
obliged to make a present to some one present who is not one of his 
kindred. Should one of the men make a mistake in singing, or should 
he not know how to sing correctly, as he joins the rest, they give the 
scalp yell, and he is compelled to make a present to someone who is not 
one of his kindred. If one of the guests lets fall anything by accident, 
he forfeits it and cannot take it up. Any one else can api)ropriate it. 
While at this feast no one gets angry; all njust keep in a good humor. 
None but old men or those in the prime of life belong to this society." 

Sometimes the guests danced while they were eating. All wore deer.s' 
tail head-dresses, and carried rattles of deers' claws on their arms. One 
drum was used. There was no fixed number of singers; generally there 
were six. Each one danced as he stood in his place, instead of moving 
around the lodge. There was no special ornamentation of the face and 
body with paint. All wore good clothing. The Omahas danced this 
Mandan dance after the death of Logan Fontenelle. 

Those who boil sacred food, as for the war-path, pour some of the 
soup outside the lodge, as an offering for the ghosts. 

§112, Sleeping customs. — They sleep when sleepy, chiefly at night. 
There are no sacred rites connected with sleei)ing. Adults occupy that 
part of the lod^e next to the door, having their beds on each side of it. 
3 ETH IS 



274 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

(See § 106.) Cliildreu Lave their beds at the back of the lodge, opposite 
the eutrauce. When tliere are many childreu and few adults, the for- 
mer occupy most of the circle. 

Each member of the household puslies the sticks of wood tojjetber 
("abada"'') towards the center of the tire, as the ends burn off. It is 
not the special work of the old women or men. Nor are the aged women 
expected to sit at the door and drive out the dogs. Any one may drive 
them from the lodge, except in cold weather, when they are allowed to 
remain inside. 

§ 113. Charities. — The word for generous is " waciice,'' meaning also 
" to be brave." This is apparently the primary meaning, as a gener- 
ous man is addressed as one who does not fear poverty. He is re- 
garded as the equal of the man who fears no enemy. Generosiry can- 
not be exercised toward kindred, who have a natural right to our as- 
sistance. All who wish to become great men are advised by their kin- 
dred to be kind to the poor and aged, and to invite guests to feasts. 
When one sees a poor man or woman, he should make presents, such 
as goods or a horse, to the unfortunate being. Thus can he gain the 
good will of Wakanda, as well as that of his own people. When the 
Omahas had plenty of corn, and the Ponkas or Pawnees had very little, 
the former nsed to share their abundance with the latter. And so when 
the Omahas were unfortunate with their crops, they went on several 
occasions to the Pawnees, who gave them a su[)ply. This was custom- 
ary among these and other neighboring tribes. 

Presents must also be made to visitors, members of other tribes. To 
neglect this was regarded as a gross breach of good manners. (See § l.'92.) 

Piior to the advent of the white man, the Omahas had a custom, 
which was told the writer by Frank La Fleche. When one man wished 
to favor another by enabling him to be generous, he gave him horses, 
which the latter, in turn, gave away, entitling him to have his ears 
pierced as a token of his generosity. The act of the tirst man was 
known as " ni^a gibaq(fuki(J;6," causing another man to hare his cars 
pierced. 

§ 114. Old age. — Old age among the Omahas does not encounter all 
the difticulties related by Dougherty {Long, 1, pp. 250, 257). Old men 
do not work. They sometimes go after the horses, or take them to 
water, but the rest of the time they sit and smoke, or relate incidents 
of their youthful days, and occasionally they tell myths for the amuse- 
ment of those around them. Old women throw away superfluous ashes, 
pound corn or dried meat, mend and dry moccasins, etc. Sometimes 
they used to bring a bundle of sticks for the fire, but that is now done 
by the men in their wagons. 

The Omahas and Ponkas never abandoned the infirm aged people on 
the prairie. They left them at home, where they could remain till the 
return of the hunting party. They were provided with a shelter among 
the trees, food, water, and fire. They watched the corn-fields, and 



DOESEY] CHARITIES — OLD AGE. 275 

when their provisious gave out, tliey could gather the ears of corn, and 
l>rocure some of the dried pumpkins and yd (dried meat) that had been 
buried in caches by the people. They were not left for a long time, 
generally for but a month or two. The Indians were afraid to aband n 
(waa"'(J;a) their aged people, lest Wakanda should punish them when they 
were away from home. They always placed them (i^a'^'wa^g) near their 
village, where thej' made their home diu'ing the winter. 

They do not grow gray early, though Mr. Hamilton saw some chil- 
dren that were gray. But gray hairs are of such rare occurrence that 
an Omaha woman who has them is called " Gray Hair." When any one 
has white hair it is regarded as a token that he or she has violated the 
taboo of the gens, as when an Ictasanda or Wajaje man should touch a 
snake or smell its odor. 

§ 115. Preparation for a journey. — When a man is about to start on 
a journey he gets his wife to prepare moccasins and food for him. Then 
he goes alone to a bluff, and prays to Wakanda to grant him a joyful and 
stout heart as well as success. (See § 195.) 



CHAPTER VI. 
VISITING CUSTOMS. 

§ lie. Medicines or fetiches taken along. — Some of the (JJegiba used to 
take tbeir respective medicines with them, saying, "Our medicines are 
wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are 
to receive from the people to whom we ai'e going." For an account of 
the dance of discovering the enemy, as Dougherty terms it, see § 271. 
It is danced by visitors. 

§117. Mode of approaching a village. — When people go tn make a 
friendly visit to another tribe, they stop when they are a short distance 
from the village or camp of their hosts, say at about 100 or 200 yards 
from it. There they sit on the ground and wait for some one to come 
and invite them to the village. Generally, each visitor departs with 
his special friend, or with the messenger sent from the village by that 
friend. On some occasions, all the visitors have been invited to one 
lodge, but these have been very unusual. The Omahas, Ponkas, Dako- 
tas, Pawnees, and other tribes act thus when they visit. 



THK CALUMET DANCE. 

§ lis. The Calumet Dance. — The generic term is "w^wa"," in ^egiha, 
answering to the j^oiwere •' waya"'we" (the specific of which is "dkiwa"," 
j,oiwere, akiya"we), to dance the calumet dance for any particular per- 
son. But the word makes no refereDce to dancing or singing. It is 
equivalent to " waqiibe ekicfi?," to inal;e a sacred kinship. He who wishes 
to confer this degree is called " wawa° akd," the dancer of the calumet 
dance, which is also the title of those who assist him. He for whom the 
dance is made is the "awa"i aki'i," who becomes the adopted sou of the 
other man. 

§ lit). The preliminary feast. — When a man contemplates adopting 
anotJier man in this dauce he invites all the other chiefs to a feast, and 
consults them. When the person has not been selected he says to them, 
"Wawama" ka"'b^a. I"wi'"(f ixi'dai-ga " — I irish to dance the calumet 
dance for some one ; look ye around for mf (and see who would be the 
proper object). But if he has already selected the person, he says to 
the chiefs, "Awauia" ka"'b<fa. I"^i"'wa"v^a"'bai-ga" — / wish to dance 
for him. iSee for me if he is the proper one. Sometimes they reply, 
•'Let him alone! He is not the right one, as he is bad;" or, "Ni'aci"- 
ga (|'i" piiijl ha. Ji"'iijl. Aki\va'''ji-ga " — The man is bad. He is proud. 
Do uot dance for him. But should the chiefs give their ajiproval, the 
man sends a messenger to the one whom he intends to honor, having 
intrusted to him a buffalo bladder containing tobacco, which is sent as 
a present. When the messenger reaches the place, and delivers his 
message, tiie awa"i aka calls his kindred together to lay the proi^osi- 
270 



CALUMET DAXCE THE PIPES. 



277 



tion before them. Sometimes he says, " I am poor. Do uot come." lu 
that case the messenger returus home, and the dance does uot take 
place. But if the awa"i aka approve, and his kindred give their con- 
sent, he sends the messenger back with a favorable reply. In some 
instances, when one man has asked another to dance the calumet dnnce 
for him, the other one has replied, "Why should I dance it for you ? 
Why should I give such a privilege to a bad man ? " 

§ 120. At the appointed time, the dancing party, which consists of two 
leaders and manj- companions, repairs to the 
place of destination. Sometimes the leaders 
take from twenty to thirty men with them. 
They reach the lodge of the awa"i aka, and 
there the two niniba weawa", or calumet 
pipes, are placed on a forked support, which 
is driven into the soil in the back part of the 
lodge. 

§ 121. Description of the pipes, etc. — The fol- 
lowing is a desci-iption of the calumet pipes : 

In the place of a pipe-bowl each weawa° 
has the head and neck of a " mi"'xa dahi°-:n'i,"' 
or green-necked duck. Next to this, on the 
upper side of the stem, are (yellowish ) feathers 
of the great owl, extending about six inches. 
Next are long wing-feathei s of the war eagle, 
split and stuck on longitudinally in three 
places, as on an arrow shaft. At the end 
of these is some horsehair, which has been 
reddened. It is wrapped around the stem, 
tied on with sinew, and then over that is 
fastened some of the fur of the white rabbit, 
with some ends dangling about six inches 
The horsehair extends fully six inches be 
low the fur of the rabbit. This horsehair is 
attached in two other places, and tied m a 
similar manner. The three tufts are ecjui- 
distant, say, six inches apart. !N'ear the la.st 
tuft is the head of a wajiu'ga-da, woodcock ( .' ), 
the nose of which is white, and the lie.id 
feathers are red. The bill is turned to^\ aids 
the mouth-piece.^ 

The head of the duck is secured to the stem 
bj" the "ha-jide," which used to be made of f^''-''- 
deer or antelope skin, but since t he coming of 

" Frank La Flfcche said that he had seen three heads of waj'iugada on one pipe, and 
that the number varied from one to six. There was no part of the neck of the bird, 
and the lower mandible was removed. In this respect only the above figure does not 
represent the Omaha pipe. 




-The Weawa", 
pipe. 



278 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 




Fig, 21— Kattles used in tlie Pipe dauce. 



the wbite meu a piece of red blanket or ludiaii cloth has been substituted. 
Next to this are suspended the two " Miiyd " or eggs, which are two 
hi"qpe, or plumes of the eagle. But the Indians compare them to the 
egg or to the eaglet in the egg, to which the adopted child is also likened. 
The child is still immature; but by and by he will grow, and fly like 
the eagle. Next are attached a number of eagle feathers. These are 
secured l)y two cords, called the " maca" i^'i'ize ^'a"," made of deer or an- 
telope skiu. 

On one pipe the eagle feathers are white, being those of a male eagle, 
and the pipe-slem is dark blue. On the other, they are spotted black 
aud white, being those of a female eagle ; and the pipe-stem is dark blue. 

§ 122. There ai-e two gourd 
rattles, one for each pipe. Each 
gourd is about five inches in 
diameter. A handle is thrust 
through the gourd, one end of 
which jirojects about an inch 
beyond the top of the gourd. 
Blue stripes about half au iuch 
wide encircle each gourd ; and two blue stripes crossing each other at 
right angles extend half way around, terminating when they meet the 
other stripe, which divides the gourd in two parts. Around the handle 
is tied deer skin, anteloije skin, or a piece of buflalo skin. The jeuexe, 
or buffalo bladder, which is sent at first by the messenger, is painted 
with three blue stripes, as on the gourd rattles. It is tied with a small, 
fine piece of the skin of a deer or antelope, arranged so as to be opened 
verj' easily and with the ends dangling a little.'" 

§ 123. When the pipes are rested against the 
forked stick, the heads of the ducks are placed 
next the gi'ound. A short distance from the pipes 
are two sticks connected with an ear of corn, which 
is sacred. It must be a perfect ear; the grains 
must not be rough or shriveled. If grains are 
T- o, -,,, T^ , » .1 f wanting on one row or side, the ear is rejected. 

Fig. 22— Tlie Dakota style of =■ i j 

tohaccopoath used by the ^\] ^jig i)eoi)le Cat the coru, SO it is regarded as a 

Oniahas in tlie Pipe dance. ^ ' ' =^ 

mother. (See § 163.) 
These sticks are reddened with wase.jide-nika, or Indian red. The 
longer stick, which is nearer the pipes, is stuck about four inches into 
the ground, and projects a few inches above the ear of corn. The 
other stick is fastened to the opposite side of the ear of corn ; the top 
of it is on a line with the top of the ear, and tlic bottom extends a 
short distance below the bottom of the ear, but it does not reach to 
the ground. The ear of corn is held between the sticks by " jaha- 




"' This is the regular Omaha style. The above figure shows the Dakota style. 
Oue of this kiud was giveu to Frank La Flfeclie by an Omaha to whom he had given 
a horse. 



THE PIPES — FEASTING AND SINGING. 



279 



^isa"','' which is wrapped around them all. Thi.s fa.steniiig is made of 
the plaited or braided hair taken from the head of a buffalo. An eagle 
plume (hi"qpe) is tiistened with sinew to the top of the smaller stick. 
The lower part of the ear of corn is white, and the upper part is painted 
green. 




Fig. 23.— The position.^ of the pipes, the ear of com, etc. 

§ 124. Feasting and sbujimj. — The next morning before sunrise some 
of the visitors sing as a signal for the people to arise and assemble. 
Before they sing the iiwa"i ama say to them, " Come, O fathers, sing 
ye." They do not sing over an hour, perhaps not qnite so long. When 
the men begin to sing the pipes are taken from their support, and are 
not returned till the singing is concluded. The singing is inside the 
lodge, as they sit around the Are. They sing again after breakfast, a 
third time in the afternoon, and once more at night. This generally 
continues for two days, during which time the visitoi's are feasted. 
Sometimes they continue the feasts for three days. 

Gifts histotred. — The day after the feasts, which is generally the third 



280 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

day, the in'incipal visitor gives presents to bis host, who collects all 
of the people of his village or tribe. He addresses the chiefs, saying, 
'• My father has brought these things to me." Then he gives the pres- 
ents to the chiefs. The pile of gifts is often about four feet high. One 
or more of the chiefs then speak to the young men who accompany them, 
" These things are given to you. Do with them as you please. Give 
them to whom you desire to present them." Presently one young man 
ai-ises and says, " I will give a horse to my father," meaning the prin- 
cipal visitor. He is followed by another, and so on, till all have spoken 
who have a desire to make presents. Some of the young men give many 
horses to the visitors. When the principal chief sees that enough horses 
have been given in equal numbers to each visitor he says, " Come, cease 
ye." Then the chiefs imitate the young men in giving presents to the 
visitors, taking care to give none of them a larger share than the rest. 
This exchange of presents consumes the entire day. The principal visitor 
has the right to distribute the horses among his party. 

§ l-'5. The dance. — The next day two of the servants of the principal 
visitor are selected to do the dancing. They must be men who are 
" cka"' f ipi," i. e., skillful in imitating the movements and acts of the 
war eagle, its flying, etc. When it is windy a screen is set up, but when 
it is calm there is none. Before the dance is begun the man for whom 
the ceremony is made leads his sou or daughter to his visitors, saying, 
" (p(? iif awa"' te ha'," Please dance for this one. But the parent does 
not bring the child by himself; one of the dancers always goes for the 
child, and must carry it on his back to the lodge where the dancers are 
stiiyiug. When one of the men camt to the house of Mi-. La Fleche for 
his daughter Susette, she was very small and so was afraid of the man, 
and refused to go with him. So her mother's mother carried her part 




Fig. 24. — Decoration of the child's face. 

of the way, and then the man took her to the lodge. After the father 
has addressed the visitors the child is caused to sit with the members 
of the dancing party. Its face is painted red, and over that is painted 
in blue, the hanga jji'a^ze, and a stripe down the nose." An eagle plume 



11. — The hauge 3ii'a"ze tor the child in the calumet dance diflers somewhat from that 
used by the chiefs and other adults. lu the former the stripes nest the mouth are 
wantiug, and, instead, is painted the stripe down the nose. 



DORSET.] THE DANCE PRIVILEGES OF THE CHILD. 281 

or hi°qpe is placed iu its hair. The child receives clothiug from the 
principal visitor, if he has it ; but if has none, another member of the 
party gives the clothiug. Then the adopting father says to the child, 
" We give you a sacred thing. Do not have a bad heart. We make you 
sacred, we set you apart. We have received this custom from Wa- 
kanda. We give you a sign, and henceforth no one can say that you 
are poor." 

The child so adopted is called " Haii'ga (fiiike " during the dance. 
Compare the " huii'ka (hugka)" of the Dakotas. 

There is no regular order of sitting. The drummer and singers sit 
iu the middle, and the child is with them. Near them are the two 
daucers, who wear no clothiug but breech-cloths. Both have the haiiga 
jfi'a^ze painted in red on their faces. Each one holds a gourd rattle iu 
his right hand. It contains hard seed, beads, or fine gravel. In their 
left hands are the calumet pipes. They dance for about an hour, imitat- 
ing the actions of the war eagle, preserving at the same time a con- 
stant waving motion with the calumet, and agitating the gourds more 
or less vehemently, agreeably to the music. 

The villagers look ou, some standing, others sitting. At the close of 
the dance, the crier says to the people, " Come quickly with the pres- 
ents which you have promised. They will go soon." Then the people 
bring the horses and other presents, which they bestow upon the visit- 
ors, who lose no time iu departing for home. Then the child's face is 
cleansed of the paint, and the two calumets are given to the family to 
which the child belongs. The visitors generally depart before noon, 
say, about 10 o'clock. Sometimes they finish the ceremony in three 
days, in which case one day is spent in feasting, one iu making presents, 
and part of the third day iu the dance. Sometimes they spend three 
days iu feasting, the fourth in making presents, and jjart of the fifth in 
dancing. But the usual order is two days in feasting, one in making 
presents, and part of the fourth in dancing. 

§ 126. Adopiion and privileges of the child. — This child is ever after 
treated as the first-born, taking the place of the real first-born, who 
calls him "ji°^^ha," elder brother. The wawa" akd shares his piop- 
erty with this adopted son, giving him presents, and never refusing 
him anything that he may ask of him. In like manner, the real father 
of the child makes presents to the real son of the wawa^aka, just as if 
he were the child's father. This ceremony is never trifled with, though 
it is now obsolescent. No nuirriage can take place between members 
of these families for four yeai'S. At least. La Fleche and Two Crows 
never heard of any persons marrying who were related by this sort of 
kinship. After the first generation has passed away, the next may say, 
"That man's father, A, made me (C) his son. I will dance for D, the 
child of B, my adopted brother and son of A." Or B may say to C, 
" My father, A, danced for you. Do you dance for me iu the person of 
my son, D." So the kinship used to be kept up, generation after gen- 



282 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

eiation, if tliey liked one auotber; but if tliey did not agree, it was al- 
lowed to disai>pear. (See Kiuship, § 78.) 

A child is danced for but ouce by the same party. Should they come 
again, there are no ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and 
goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age, 
none over ten years of age can be thus adopted. 

Frank La Fleche said, " Cauge-ska d.anced this dance for my father, 
who therefore, called him 'father' ; and I, too, call Caiige-ska my father. 
So all the Weji"cte people (being my father's gens by adoption), called 
Caiige-skn, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During 
that period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to inter- 
marry with the gens of Caiige-ska." 

The Poukas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They 
use but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes. 



CHAPTEE VIJ. 
IXDUSTEIAL OCCI'PATIOXS. 

§ 127. luclustrial occnpatious ainoug the ^egiha may be treated of in 
three graud divisions : I. Those relating to the Susteuauce of Life ; 
II. Those conceruiug the Protection of Life; III. Those which have to 
do with the Eegulatioii of Life. The first and second of these divisions 
are not fully differentiated. 

To the first division may be assigned those industries pertaining to 
Food, Clothing, and Shelter. Food is obtained by hunting, trapping, 
fishing, and cultivation of the ground. In order to obtain it one is 
obliged to resort to weapons, traps, farming implements, &c ; and to 
prepare it for a meal, there are several processes required, as well as 
implements or utensils used in those processes. This gives rise to 
another kind of industry, the manufacture of those weapons, traps, 
implements, and utensils. 

Among the industries pertaining to the Protection of Life are "War 
Customs (especially defensive warfare) and the Practice of Bledieine. 
(See Chapters IX and X.) 

The following are connected with theEegulation of Life : The Govern- 
ment and the Law. (See Chapters XI and XII.) 

The following relate to the Sustenance of Life. 



HUNTING CUSTOMS. 

§ 128. Kinds of hunting. — There are two kinds of hunting known 
among the (pegiha. One is called "abae," answering to the j^oiwere 
"kiuan}[ra," and the "wotihni" of the Dakotas. This refers to the 
hunting of the larger animals by a few men, or even by one person, the 
family of each hunter having been left at home or in the tribal camp. 
The other kind is the " 40 une," when all the people go in a body, with 
their families, moving from place to place as they seek for herds of 
butitaloes. This latter is often called " gaqfa"' " by the Omahas and 
Ponkas, and " jiiqra"* " by the xoi^ere tribes. 

§ 129. Hunting seasons. — The summer huut was not undertaken till 
the corn and i)umpkins had been planted, the weeds cut, and the beans 
gathered. The time for the return was when the wind blew open the 
" jaqcazi," the sunflowers and the flowers of other species of the '"ja," 
which was about the first of September. It was only during the sum- 

23:! 



284 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY 

luer Luut that the tribe camped iu the tribal circle ou the open prairie. 
The fall or wiuter huut gave a name to the season when it began "t'a°- 
gar|(J-a°," the hunting fall, or later fall, as distinguished from "fa" "the 
harvest or earlier fall. This later fall corresponded with the latter ])art 
of October. Then some of the men took their families with them, and 
went iu pnrsuit of deer, or occupied themselves with trapping beaver 
and otter. But most of the people went on the tiill hunt when they 
sought the " me-ha," literally, " spring hides," that is, those which had 
thick hair. They did not camp in the tribal circle, as it was too cold 
to pitch their tents ou the open prairie ; but each head of a family had 
his tent i)itched in a sheltered spot ; and for this purpose the hunters 
did not always go in oue large party, but scattered in several directions, 
camping wherever they could find heavy timber or brush that could 
protect their lodges during heavy winds. They returned home iu the 
spring about the mouth of April. 

§ loO. Preliminary Jeast heldhefore the departure for the summer hunt. — 
The principal chief or head man of the Hanga gens prepared a feast, to 
which he invited all the chiefs and brave men. An Inke-sabg man was 
sent as ieki(j;e (crier, herald) or wag(J;a (messenger) around the village, 
and he called to each guest to bring his bowl and spoon. When the 
guests had assembled at the lodge of the HaQga chief the two primnpal 
chiefs sat at the back of the lodge, opposite the entrance, and on each 
side of them were ranged the subordiuate chiefs around the circle, ac- 
cording to their rank. After them were seated the braves, as far as the 
entrance, ou the left side of which sat the giver of the feast, while on 
the right side were the wag^a (Waka''ma"(j;i° and jjeha°-ma°(fi", the 
keepers of the sacred tents of the Haiiga), who were expected to attend 
to the fire aud the kettles. The sacred pipes were lighted, according to 
the prescribed rules, aud passed around the circle. (See §§ 18 and 111.) 

The object of the couucil was explained by one of the head chiefs say- 
ing, " Come ! consider the question. Let us remove. In how many 
days shall we remove?" The question was then discussed by others, 
aud having agreed among themselves what course to pursue, one said, 
" Cqe ctl gifita^i }[i, wata"' zi-hi cti g^ita"! jp, driba ja°' jji, a^wa^'ha^tai" — 
When they hare prepared their caches and have worked {i. e., examined) 
their curnstalks, let us remove after an interval of four days. When 
the chiefs perceived what was the sense of the council they decided on 
the route. When the food was sufiflcieutly cooked the wag^a removed 
the kettles from the fire. Then oue of the head chiefs called a young 
man by name, saying, " Cha" C(5t6 we'^itaii' gti," Handle that little for 
us. Then the young mau holding a spoon in his right hand dipped it 
into one of the kettles, took out a piece of a choice part of the meat. 
His lefc hand being elevated, with extended palm, he presented the 
meat iu the spoon to each of the four winds, beginning at the entrance 
of the lodge, and he finished the ceremony by casting the meat into the 
fire. 



DORSET.] HUNTING CUSTOMS FEAST DEPARTURE. 285 

Then the food was served out to the guests, the best ])ortions of it 
being placed before the chiefs. Each person who received a i)ortiou 
thaukedthehost, using the appropriate kiuship term, as, "Hau! ji"(j;eha!" 
Thanks! elder brother! — "Hau! kage!" Thankfi! younger brother! — 
"Hau! neglha!" Thankn! mo1her''s brother! The okl men ])resent 
thanked the host, chiefs, and young men. Food is precious to them, so 
they talked a long time about it. The young men left some of the food 
in the kettles for the criers and old men, who then ate out of the ket- 
tles instead of bowls. The feast ended, smoking succeeded, after which 
the guests rose in succession, thanked the host, and passed out of the 
lodge in an orderly manner, beginning with those on the left of the en- 
trance and fii-eplace. These passed in single file before the head chiefs, 
and round the rest of the circle of the guests, till they reached the en- 
trance when they passed out. Then those on the right of the fireplace 
made a complete circuit of the lodge, passed before the head chiefs and 
went out of the lodge. In each case the guest followed the course of 
the sun as he appears to revolve around the earth. The criers sang 
through the village in praise of the host, whom they thanked for his 
hospitality. They also thanked the chiefs and young men who were 
present at the feast ; and they proclaimed to the people the decision of 
the council. 

§ 131. Preparations for the departure. — The women buried in caches 
whatever they wished to leave. Food, etc., was placed in a blanket, 
which was gathered up at the corners and tied with a thong; then the 
bundle was allowed to fall to the bottom of the cache. Many of such 
bundles were put into a single cache. Then the women went over the 
cornfields to see that all the work had been finished. They prepared 
their pack-saddles and litters, and mended moccasins and other cloth- 
ing. The young men spent part of the time in dancing in honor of the 
"watcigaxe ^i uue^6 akd," the men at whose lodges the dancing socie- 
ties met. 

§ 132. The departure. — The day for their departure having arrived, 
the women loaded their horses and dogs, and took as great weights on 
their own backs as they could conveniently transport. Such lodges as 
were left unoccupied by aged or infirm people wei'e secured by closing 
the entrances with large quantities of brushwood. Those men who 
were the owners of many horses were able to mount their families on 
horseback, but the most of the people were obliged to go afoot. Be- 
fore starting the place for passing the night was detf^rmined and an 
Inke-sabe man was sent through the village as crier saying, "Maja"' 
ga((uadi (faji te,ai,a(fa+ !'" — They say, indeed, that you shall pitch the tents 
in t\at land which is out of sight! He described the location of the 
place as he made this proclamation, so that the abae-ma (hunters or 
scouts) might know where they were expected to rejoin the people. 
This precaution was taken each succeeding night, or else on the mor 
row before the departure of the hunters. 



286 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§ 133. The Hujufia or Tribal Circle.— {See §§ 9-12). They generally 
selected some place uear a stream, aud they tried to find a level spot 
large enough to allow the formation of a single hu(j;uga, but when so 
large a level could not be had, the Omahas pitched their lodges in two 
concentric circles, and the Ponkas in three circles of that arrangement. 
The exact order of the encampment of the gentes in these concentric 
circles has not been preserved. As soon as the tents were erected each 
woman put up her wiima^ciha, of which there were two or three for 
each tent. They were used for drying the 5anuj[a or fresh meat, and 
each was made by sticking into the ground two forked sticks that were 
about four feet high, about six or eight feet apart, and placing a ]X)le 
across tliem. The pieces of meat were hung across the transverse pole 
of each wama°ciha. 

After the setting up of the tent of one of the keepers of the wa^ixabe 
or sacred bags, a stick was thrust in the ground outside the tent, and 
the wa^ixabe was hung on it, provided there was no rain. But should 
a rain ensue after the bag was hung outside, or if it was raining at the 
time the tent was pitched, the stick was set up without delay within 
the tent, and the bag was hung on it. 

§ 134. The Wa(f;a° or directors of the hunt. — The chiefs always ap- 
pointed four men to act as directors of the hunt. He who wished to 
be the principal director had to provide a pipe aud a standard called 
the " waciibe." The former had a bowl of red pipe-stone, but was not 
one of the sacred pipes. The latter consisted of an oak or hickory stick 
about eight feet long, and reddened, to which was fastened a row of 
eagle feathers, some of which were white and others spotted. Their 
use will be explained hereafter. A "nikide" (see § 151) was fastened 
to the top of the stick. The chiefs said to the directors, '• It is good 
to do such and such things." The directors considered whether it 
would be right or not, and finally decided what course should be pur- 
sued. Then, if any accident occurred, or quarrels between men or 
women, dog fights, high winds, rain, etc., ensued, the director who had 
advised going in that direction was blamed, and his advice was disre- 
garded from that time, so he had to resign, and let some one else take 
his place. During the last summer hunt of the Omahas the directors 
weie Icta^abi, Nugii, and Duba-ma"(j;i", of the Inke-sabe gens, and a 
fourth man, whose name has been forgotten. Icta(J!abi succeeded his 
father as the principal director.'^ 

§ 135. When the people stopped and camped for only a single night, 



'-These ilirectois ■were not necessarily lilke-sabg men. The wacabe and pipe were 
always abandoned wLf^u the people were about to retnm home. The order of cere- 
monies varied. Sometimes the sacred pole was anointed after the first herd of buffa- 
loes had been surrounded. In that case the abandonment of the wacabe and pipe 
was postponed awhile. Sometimes they were abandoned before the pole was 
anointed ; and sometimes they were retained till the end of the Hede-watci. They 
were abandoned during the day. The pipe was fastened across the middle of tha 
wacabe, which was stuck into the ground on a hill. 



L.OKSEV.1 TRIBAL CIRCLE — DIRECTORS SCOUTS. 287 

the act was called " u;i;" but wheu they stopped at a place for two or 
more days, the act was known as "epaze." This latter happened wheu 
the horses were tired or the weather was bad. " V^i di'iba satiV da"'- 
ctea"' 5[i, ^pazai" — When they had vamped but one night at each place for 
four or five nights, tuey stopped to rest for two or more days. 

§ 136. Appointment of the scouts. — It was generally two or three weeks 
after the departure from the village that they reached the country 
where the buflalo abounded. IMeanwhile, the people were frequentLj' 
in need of food, so it was customary for some of the men to leave the 
camp each moniing to seek game of any kind for the sustenance of the 
tribe till the buflalo herds were suri'ounded. This service, too, was 
sometimes called "abac," and, also, " wada"'be ^6," to go to see or scout; 
and the men were " abae-ma" or " wada^'bema." Before their depart- 
ure they were summoned to the Wacabe tent by Tcilhlc, the aged liike- 
sabS crier, who stood by that tent, and called for each man in a loud 
voice. The man himself was not named, but the name called was that 
of his small son. Thus, wheu Two Crows was summoned, Tcahic said, 
" Gai"-baji hau-f ! " as the latter was then the young son of Two Ci'ows, 
and the father knew that he was summoned. When the fathers had 
assembled at the Wacabe tent, each one was thus addressed by the 
principal director: " You shall go as a scout. No matter what thing 
you see, you shall re]Jort it just as it is. If you do not tell the truth 
may you be struck by lightning! May snakes bite you! May men 
slay you! May your feet hurt you! May your horse throw you!" 
When the sons are large enough they go themselves as scouts when 
called by name. 

These scouts or hunters were expected to bring to the camp what 
game they killed, and to reconnoiter the surrounding country for buflalo 
and enemies. They used to traverse a vast extent of country, and to 
shoot at all animals except the buffalo. Whenever those who went the 
farthest came in sight of the butialo, or discovered signs of their prox- 
imity, they dared not shoot at the animals, but they were bound to 
return at once to the tribe to report the fact. When they got in sight 
of the camp, or of the tribe in motion, tliey made signs with their blank- 
ets or robes. (See First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
Sign Language, p. 532.) 

§ 137. Return of the .scouts when the tents are pitched. — If the tents were 
pitched when the scouts came in sight, the latter went at once to the 
Wacabe tent, where the Lie-sa"-ha is kept. As soon as each director 
heard or learnt of the coming of the scouts, he proceeded to the Wacabe 
tent. When all four had arrived the scouts made a report. They never 
told any news on such occasion till they reached the sacred tent ; and 
when they reported, they did not say, " We saw buflalo." They had to 
say, if they discovered a herd, " TJci^jii(j;e-dega", %e-i ebcfega"" — I may 
have deceived myself, but I thinlc that they were buf aloes. The words 



288 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

are proDounced very deliberately. "How many were there?" said the 
directors. The reply might be, " I thitdc about forty." 

They were afraid of telling a falsehood to the directors aud the keeper 
of the sacred tent. Big Elk said that when they reported they used to 
give a good robe to the pole in the other sacred tent, but this is denied 
by La Fleche aud Two Crows. 

After hearing the report the directors sent the crier for the chiefs, 
who assembled at the Wacabe tent. He also proclaimed that all the 
young men should go thither ; so they went, and stood outside. The 
Hauga man (tlie keeper of the sacred tent?) told the young men, "In 
such a direction there are so many buffaloes." Then the men left the 
women in the camp, mounted their horses, and hastened towards the 
herd. 

§ 138. Return of the scmtts tchen the people are moving. — If the people 
were moving along when the scouts came in sight, the four directors 
proceeded in advance to meet the scouts, and the liike-sabe crier ac- 
companied them. He marched behind the directors till they met the 
scouts, when he advanced to the front, and received the report from 
one of the scouts, who spoke in a whis])er. Then the crier whispered 
the news to the principal director, who stood on his left, and he whis- 
pered it to the next director, and so ou. After the crier told the tir>t. 
director, the former stepped backward several jtaces to the rear of the 
four directors, aud lay down with his head pointing in the direction 
whence the scouts caiue. After all of the directors heard tlie news, 
they smoked once, aud then sent the crier to proclaim the news. The 
scouts proceeded to their families after delivering their report to the 
directors. The crier proclaimed thus : "(J'azige te, ai a(fa+!" That is, 
" They say indeed that you shall halt ! " The tents were pitched im- 
mediately, as the people knew that a herd of buflaloes had been found. 
Then the men hastened toward the herd, each one being mounted. 

§ 139. Some of the men used to address their horses thus: "Ho, my 
child! do your best. I shall do my best." This was not said by all. 
Some gave medicine to their horses to make them swift. (See the 
,jafi"-wasal)e dance. Chapter X.) 

§ 140. Council and appointment of policemen. — As soon as they could 
see the herd they stopi)ed. Then the crier called certain young men by 
name, saying, " Let us consecrate some ^a or sides of buft'alo meat. 
You will take a ^a for me." (See § 151.) A council was held by the 
chiefs and directors, and having decided to surround the herd, ])olice- 
iiien were appointed. These wanace were selected from the wahehajl 
or brave men. They had no work to do till they were near the herd. 
Then they had to watch the peoi)le to keej) them from scaring ofl' the 
herd by moving before the proper time. All who disobeyed them were 
severely punished. Cada^tice, an aged Omaha, who is now lame and 
palsied in one limb, was once strong and highly esteemed by his people; 
but he violated the rules of the hunt, and all the policemen flogged him 



DORSET.) POLICEMEN — SURROUNDING A HERD. 289 

SO unmercifully that he never fully recovered from the effects of his 
punishment. The offense was committed when the people had been un- 
successful in finding a herd, and were almost starved. Suddenly some 
buffaloes were discovered. Though it was against the law for any small 
number of men to go against the herd, independently of the rest, two 
or three, including Cada(j;ice, disobeyed, and, rushiug forward, scared 
off the herd, so that none were caught. On another hunt, when the 
men were behind a bank, seven of them wished to ascend the hill sooner 
than Two Crows directed. They started up against his wishes ; but he 
rushed after them and lashed them right and left with his whip, com- 
pelling them to desist. 

During the council the chiefs said, " Let us consecrate some buffalo 
tongues, and also two or four hearts." Then, calling on two of the young 
men, they said, "Young men, you will get the hearts and tongues for 
us, and place them together at the sacred tent." 

§ 141. Order of approaching and surrounding a herd. — The attack- 
ing party was always led by two men carrying the sacred objects be- 
longing to the principal director; one man carried the pipe, and the 
other bore the wacabe standard. They marched abreast, and behind 
them came the two young men who had been chosen to collect the hearts 
and tongues. The latter wore no clothing but their breech -cloths, and 
they carried only their bows and knives. Behind them came the hunt- 
ers, not going abreast or in any fixed order, but somewhat scattered. 
When the two leaders reached the proper distance from the herd they 
separated, one going to the right and the other to the left, each one 
proceeding in a course nearly the shape of a semicircle, and followed by 
half of the men. . They began to form their lines for surrounding the 
herd, and the leaders ran on till they had met in the rear of the herd, 
and then passed one another, going a short distance around on the op- 
posite side. Then the attack began. The bearers of the pipe and 
standard were called " 'A^'sagi-ma," the swift ones. 

§ 142. Collection of the hearts and tongues. — After they separated in 
front of the herd the two young men behind them did not follow them, 
but kept straight ahead towards the front of the herd, where they 
stopped. They were obliged to be constantly on the alert in order to 
avoid the onset of any buffalo that might rush towards them. As soon 
as they saw that an animal was down they rushed towards it and pro- 
ceeded to cut out the heart and tongue. Then they passed to the next 
one that was slain, and so on. Each one cut out eight or ten tongues, 
but he was obliged to cut a hole in the throat before taking out the 
tongue, which was drawn through that hole. This was the last time that 
the tongues could touch any tool or metal, except when they were boil- 
ing in the kettles at the sacred tent. As fast as the men removed the 
hearts and tongues they cut holes in them, through which was thrust 
one end of a bow. When all were strung on the bows they were se- 
cured by tying pieces of green hide to the ends of each bow. The bow 
3 ETH 19 



290 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

aud its burden was placed on the back of the owner while the green 
hide or bow-string went across the chest. Then the young men ran 
quickly in advance of the hunters and gave the hearts and tongues to 
the keeper of the Wacabe tent. 

§ 143. The feast on the hearts and tongues. — In the evening, when all 
the policemen and other hunters had returned to the camj), the two 
keepers of the HaSga sacred tents boiled the hearts and tongues. As 
soon as they were done an luke-sabe man was sent as crier to invite the 
chiefs, who proceeded to the Wacabe tent. On some of these occasions 
all of the chiefs and Haiiga mendid notattend,so, whenthereweremany 
tongues, and few chiefs were present, some of the brave young men 
were invited to assist in consuming the sacred food. None of the Wa- 
cabe Haiiga could eat the sacred tongues, though any of the other 
Haiiga who were present might do so. None of the meat was then cut 
with a knife. Bach guest was obliged to eat his portion there, as he 
could not take it to his own lodge. He must put one cornerof bis robe 
(the wai°hahage or lower part) on the ground, and having placed the 
piece of meat on that, he had to raise the improvised dish to his mouth 
aud bite off a mouthful at a time. Even when the blanket was a new 
one that would be soiled the wearer could not avoid using it thus. This 
ceremony was observed four times during the summer hunt. After the 
surrounding of the fourth herd there were no further prohibitions of 
the use of a knife or bowl during that season. 

When the people divide and go in two parties during the summer 
hunting season, only those who have the sacred tents observe the cere- 
monies which have just been described. The others did not consecrate 
any hearts and tongues. 

While the guests were eating certain sacred songs were sung. Ac- 
cording to La Fleche and Two Crows, the singers were two of the Wa- 
cabe Hafiga and the (f atada man who acted as qu^ia ; but Frank La 
Fleche says that the singers were the Hafiga guests who ate the 
tongues. 

The luke-sabe crier sat by the door, looking wistfully towards the 
food, and hoping almost against hope for some to be left for him. 

These songs were very many, and lasted till daylight, according to 
A^'bah^be, the tribal historian. From him the writer gained an incom- 
plete description of them. First were the corn songs : 1. " I clear the 
land." 2. " I put in corn." 3. " The corn comes up." 4. " Ukit'6 t*a°, 
It has blades." 5. Q(J;4 6(j;a°be, The cars appear." G. " Wahilba najiha 
t'a". The ears have hair, i. e., silk." 7. Egiife a^'^ispa", At length tee 
try the cars, squeezing them tcith the fingers, to see if they are ripe." 8. 
"I3gi(j;e jut'a° ^i, At length it is ripe." 9. " figi^e wahiiba a"'^ija, At 
length iPe pull off the ears from the stalks." 10. " I5gi(fe wahi'iba a"'((!iga, 
At length tee husk the ears." 11. " figiifse wah^ba a°'^icpi, 4< length we 
shell the corn." 12. " l5gi(j;e wahdba a^'^ate, At length ice eat the corn." 

Then followed the buffalo songs in similar order, of which were 



DonsEv.l FEAST ON THE HEARTS AND TONGUES — SACRED SONGS. 291 

the following : " Sig<^e wada°'be, The tracks are seen." " j,6 wada^'be 
ag^i, They have come back from seeing the buffalo." " jahe i)Ad'6 a^ai', 
They hare gone to the hill that is near by." * * * "j^e wi° au hS, 
I have tcounded a buffalo." "Hiiqpaqpa ma°^i°', He icalks coughing 
repeatedly." This last refers to a habit of wounded buffaloes, they cough 
repeatedly as the blood pours forth. 

La Flfeche and Two Crows say that they never attended these feasts, 
so they cannot give the words of the songs. Frank La Fl^che says, 
"None besides the HaEigas and chiefs can give you correctly all of the 
songs of the corn and buffalo, as it is looked upon as sacrilege to sing 
these songs. The young people are strictly forbidden to sing them. 
None of the young Omahas have taken any pains to learn them, although 
we have often been to listen to the singing of them while the Haiigas 
and the chiefs were performing the ceremonies of the pole. Tou may, 
but I very much doubt it, get it all from one of the Hafigas or chiefs 
by liberally compensating him for his patience (of which I fear he 
wouldn't have enough) iu going through with it, as it takes three or 
four nights without stopping, lasting from sundown till sunrise; and 
even then they find, sometimes, that they have omitted some." I my- 
self would like to know it all, but I have never ouce heard it sung by 
any of the young men with whom I am accustomed to go, although they 
frequently have had the presumption to sing all other religious songs, 
such as the I"'kug(J;i acjji'", Wacicka aifi"', Was6 a^i"', etc., for amuse- 
ment." 

§ 144. Skill in archery. — So great is the skill of the Indians in archery, 
that they frequently sent their arrows completely through the bodies 
of the animals at which they shot, the arrow-heads appearing in such 
cases on the opposite side. Dougherty heard that in some instances 
the arrows were sent with such force that they not only passed entirely 
through the bodies of the buffaloes, but even went flying through the 
air or fell to the ground beyond the animals. 

§ 145. Sets of arrows. — As each man had his own set of arrows dis- 
tinguished from those of other men by peculiar marks, he had no diffi- 
culty in recovering them after the slaughter of the herd, and by means 
of them he could tell which animals were killed by him. Hence quar- 
rels respecting the right of property in game seldom occurred, and the 
carcass was awarded to the more fortunate person whose arrow pierced 
the most vital part. 

§ 146. Frank La Flfeche killed his first buffalo when he was but sev- 
enteen years of age. On such occasions the slayer citt open the body 
and ate the liver with the gall over it. 

§ 147. Carving and division of a buffalo. — When plenty of buffalo had 

"The Osages have an account of the orgin of com, etc., in one of their sacred songs 
preserved in their secret society. They do not allow their young men to learn these 
songs. The writer has au abstract of this account obtained from one of the Osage 
chiefs. It takes four days or nights to tell or chant the tradition of any Osage gens. 



292 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

been killed, the slayer of one took but one man to aid him in cutting it 
up, and each man took half of the body as his share. All agree in say- 
ing that the hide was kept by the slayer, and some say that the choice 
pieces were also his. Sometimes the slayer gave pieces of the meat to 
those of his kindred who had no horses. All recognize the right of the 
slayer to give the pieces as he saw best. He was generally assisted in 
the cutting up by four or five men, and the body was divided into six 
portions, as follows : The :)e-maii'ge or chest, one share ; the (je-na^'qa 
or hump, one share ; the ije-ju' or front portions of the body, two shares, 
with each of which was put a foreleg; the :je-j6ga or thighs, the hinder 
portions of the body, two shares ; with one was put the ;e-nixa or 
paunch, with the other, the :je-cibe or entrails. The men who assisted 
were not necessarily of the same gens or tribe. Sometimes the slayer 
took only the hide for his part and gave all the rest away. According 
to Frank La Fl^che, " the first man who reached a slain buffalo had for 
his share, if the animal was fat, one of the !je-ju and the ;je-nixa ; but if 
it was lean, he took one of the ^e-jega and the je-nixa. The second man 
that reached there received the other ^e-ju, and the third had the ^e- 
mange. The fourth one's share consisted of the i}a"'he or ije-cibe and 
the other ijejega. But if the slayer of the animal wished any of these 
parts he could keep them. The je-di or liver was good for nothing." 

Should only one buflalo be killed by a large party, say, thirty or more, 
the slayer always cut up the body in many pieces of equal size and di- 
vided among all the hunters. Sometimes two or three men came and 
helped the slayer to carve the body. Then he gave each a share. If a 
chief who had not been invited to sit down came and assisted in the carv- 
ing, he too would get a share; but he had no right to demand a part, 
much less the whole body, for himself, as some writers assert. When a 
chief approached a carcass the slayer, if he chose, could tell him to sit 
down. Then the slayer, after cutting up the body, might give a i>iece 
to the chief, saying, " Take that and carry it on your back." Then the 
chief would thank the donor. If the chief could not tell in public of the 
kindness of his benefactor, the slayer would not give him a piece of the 
meat. When a man killed a buffalo, elk, deer, beaver, or otter, he 
might carry it to a chief, and say, " Wi'daha", I give it to youJ" 

§ 148. The women never aided in the carving. Sometimes, when a 
man had no boy to take care of his extra horse, he let his wife ride it, 
and allowed her to take out the entrails, etc., after he had slit the belly. 
But if the slayer offered any objection the woman could not do that. 
As a rule the men took out " tigaqe^a te," or all the intestines, includ- 
ing the paunch, ^ecibc, etc., and put them aside for the women to un- 
coil and straighten. 

§ 149. Kinds of buffaloes eaten. — During the winter hunt young buf- 
falo bulls were eaten, as they were fat, but the full-grown bulls were 
never eaten, as their flesh was too hard. So in summer the young bulls 
were not eaten for the same reason. Buffalo cows were always in 



DonsET.] DIVISION OF A BUFFALO, ETC. 293 

good condition for eating, and so were the "^e-mi°quga" or hermaphro- 
dite buffaloes. The lattter had very long horns. 

While the Ponkas and Dakotas, when pressed by hunger, might eat 
the kidneys raw, the Omahas always boiled them before eating. 

§ 150. Disposition of the various parts of the buffalo. — With the excep- 
tions of the feet and head, all the edible parts of the animal were car- 
ried to the camp and preserved. The brains (w^^iq^i) were taken from 
the skull for the purpose of dressing (fiq^i) the skin or converting it 
into leather. These skins, which were obtained during this season, 
were called ":)a'ha," and were used in the construction of the skin 
lodges, as well as for their individual clothing during the warm weather. 
When but few animals were killed even the feet were taken to the camp, 
and when they were boiled till they came apart they were eaten. 

According to Dougherty " three women sufficed for carrying all the 
pieces of a buffalo, except the skin, to the camp if it was at any moder- 
ate distance, and it was their duty to prepare the meat, etc., for keep- 
ing." But Frank La Fltehe says that the women seldom went out to 
bring in the packs of meat. Men and boys usually carried them. A 
woman who had any male kindred used to ask some of the younger ones 
to take her husband's horses and go for the meat. 

All the meat could be cut into thin slices, placed on low scaffolds, and 
dried in the sun or over a slow fire. Some, who did not know how to cut 
good slices, used to cut the ^je-maiige int© strips about two inches wide, 
called " wasnege." But those who knew how would cut them in three, 
long slices (waga) for drying. "The bones of the thighs, to which a 
small quantity of meat was left adhering, were placed before the fire 
till the meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken. The 
meat and the marrow were considered a most delicious repast. These, 
with the tongue and hump, were considered the best parts of the ani- 
mals. The meat, in its dried state, was closely compressed into quad- 
rangular packages, each of the proper size to attach conveniently to 
one side of the pack-saddle of a horse. The dried intestines were inter- 
woven together into the form of mats and tied up in packages of simi- 
lar form and size." Then the women put these supplies in caches, and 
the tribe continued onward in the pursuit of other herds. (For a fuller 
account of the uses of the different parts of the buffalo meat see Chap- 
ter VIII, § 1G4.) 

§ 151. Ccrtmonies of thanksgiving prior to the return home. Anointing 
the sacred pole. — It will be noticetl that on the way to the hunt, and nntil 
the time for the greasing or anointing of the sacred pole, the Wacabe 
tent is the more important one. But after that a change occurred. The 
keeper of the other sacred tent, in which is the sacred pole, became the 
master of ceremonies, and the keeper of the Wacabe tent acted as his 
assistant. When the people had killed a great many buffaloes they 
were willing to return to their home. But before they could start they 
must take part in a religious ceremony, of which a partial description 



294 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

follows. The keeper of the pole sent a crier to summou the chiefs, who 
assembled and decided to perform the sacred rites. For this pnrpose 
!i ":(a" was boiled at the sacred tents. About a hundred young men 
were collected there. They who had not yet distinguished themselves 
in battle went stripped to the waist, and sat in a circle around the tents. 
Here and there were some of the braves who wore robes, and some had 
on good shirts. They departed -when they had eaten the food. As they 
followed the line of the tents several women went after them. Two of 
these women were they who carried the sacred tents, and with them 
were three or five others. As the braves proceeded they snatched from 
each " 4i-u(figije " or ";i-ufipu" (high or low tent) a tent-pole or else a 
forked stick (Isagc^e) such as were used for hanging the kettles. No one 
offered any resistance, as they knew the purpose for which the sticks were 
taken. These tent-poles and isag^e were handed to the women, who 
carried them to the keepers of the sacred tents. When they arrived 
there they used the sticks for making a long tent ; and they placed the 
sacred pole directly in front of the tent, as in the figure. Then the crier 
(Tcahic) stood at the long tent and proclaimed as follows, by command 
of the keeper of the sacred pole, calling on each small child by name : 
" O grandchild, wherever you are standing, even though you bring but 
one thing, you will put it yonder on the ground for me at a (>hort dis- 
tance." Over two hundred children of parents that were prosperous 
were thus invited to make i>resents to the sacred tents. No children 
of poor people were expected to make any presents, but young men, 
boys, girls, and even infants, were expected to bring "ja" or their 
equivalents, if they could afford them. Then came the young men whom 
the crier had named when they first saw the buffaloes. (See § 140.) 
Each one brought a "^eju" or side of a buffalo. Sometimes they 
brought back as many as thirty, forty, or fifty. Then came the fathers 
with their children who had been called by name, each person bringing 
four presents in the name of his child. These consisted, in modern 
times, of a ";a," a gun, a fine robe, and a kettle. Each piece of " ■ja" used 
at this ceremony was about a yard long and half a yard wide. When a 
gun could not be had, " nikide," which were very precious, being used 
for necklaces, were offered instead. Sometimes a horse was the fourth 
gift. The wahehaji took '"ja," and also horses or goods, as their offer- 
ings. The keeper of the pole, who could not eat the " ja," then called 
on the keeper of the Wacabe tent to act for him ; and the latter then 
proceeded to arrange the pieces of the " ja" before the pole. Selecting 
the two pieces that were the fattest, he placed them before the pole, as 
the "nuda^'hauga" or lords. Then he arranged the others in a row 
with the two, parallel with the long tent. When but few buffaloes had 
been killed, there was only one row of the "ja" before the pole; but when 
there had been a very successful hunt, the i)ieces were spread in one and 
a half, two, or even two and a half rows, each full row being the length 
of the long tent. Then the keeper of the pole sent a man of his gens to 



ANOINTING THE SACRED POLE — SHAM FIGHT. 



295 



the liike-sabS gens for the two sacred pipes. These were takeu by the 
Haiiga man to the long tent for future use. In the mean time, the prin- 
cipal pieces of the ja were cut by the keeper of the Wacabe tent in 
pieces as wide as one hand, and as long as from the elbow to the tips 
of the fingers (fully eighteen inches). These pieces of fat were mixed 
with red clay, and then the compound was rubbed over the sacred pole. 
Some say that throughout this ceremony sacred songs were sung : "A"'- 
ba i^dug^gqti waa"' g^i°i," They sat singing throughout the day. (See 
§ 143 for what Frank La Fleche says on this point.) When the anoint- 
ing was completed the remaining ^ja were collected, and divided among 
the Hauga people who could not eat the tongues. Sometimes the 
chiefs received one apiece; and the keeper of the pole asked for one, 
two, three, and sometimes four, 
which he gave to the kindred of his 
wife, as he could not eat that part 
of the buffalo. 

According to some, the keeper 
of one of the Haiiga sacred tents 
prayed over the sacred object which 
was tied upon the pole, extending 
the palms of his hands towards it. 
Then evei-y one had to be silent 
and keep at a certain distance from 
the long tent. Inside that tent 
were seated twelve men in a row. 
(The writer suspects that ten chiefs, 
one from each gens, and the two 
keepers of the Hauga sacred tents 
were the occupants of the long tent. 
See below.) When the presents poie7and'ro'w3'of'^^'jS''°witbii 

were made to the sacred pole, ^^Legend.-l, Thetent; 2, Thepole, 3, Therows 

young girls led horses and brought 

blankets to the two sacred men, and were allowed to touch the sacred 
pole. The wife of a former trader at the Omaha Agency, when very 
sick, was taken in a wagon to witness the praying before the sacred 
pole, in hope that it might cause her recovery. 

§ 152. The sham fight. — After the pole was anointed, the chiefs spoke 
of pretending to engage with enemies. So a member of the -^a,^z% gens 
(in modern times MitcAqpe-jifiga or Maja^'ha-^i" held this oiBce) was 
ordered by the keeper of the pole to siimmon the stout-hearted young 
men to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jiiiga used to go to each brave 
man and tell him quietly to come to take part in the fight. According 
to some he proclaimed thus : "Ye young men, decorate yourselves and 
come to play. Come and show yourselves." Then the young men as- 
sembled. Some put on head-dresses of eagles' feathers, others wore 
ornaments of crow feathers (and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Some 




296 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

decorated their horses. Some were armed with guus ; others with bows 
aud arrows. The former loaded their weapous with powder alone; the 
latter pulled their bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the 
arrows. 

The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the 
ground and kept up by means of the isag^e or forked sticks. Within 
the long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them ? — see above) aud the 
two keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass fig- 
ures in the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long teut. 

After the young men assembled they rode out of the circle and went 
back towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give 
the alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying, 
" We are attacked!" All at once the horsemen appeared and came to 
the tribal circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the 
Weji°cte and Ictasauda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever 
he pleased. Then the occupants of the long tent took the places of the 
horsemen, being thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the 
horsemen dispersed the pursuers of the foe started out from all parts 
of the tribal circle, hastening towards the front of the long tent to 
attack the supposed Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many 
of the horsemen. They shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim 
at them, and knocking them down each time that they fired. Having 
shot four times at them, they dismounted and pretended to be cutting 
up the bodies. This also was done four times. Next the pursuers 
passed between the grass figures and the place where the "^ja" had 
been, in order to attack the occupants of the long tent. Four times did 
they fire at one another, and then the shooting ceased. Then followed 
the smoking of the two sacred pipes as tokens of peace. These were 
filled by a member of the HaSga gens and lighted by some one else. 
(See Sacred Pipes, § 17.) They were carried first to the chiefs in the 
long tent, aud then over to the young men representing the pursuers. 
Here and there were those who smoked them. The pipes were taken 
around four times. Then they were consigned by the keeper of the pole 
to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back to their own 
tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the oflferings 
made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the bundle to 
the keeper of the pipes without saying a word. 

The writer has not been able to learn whether the }e-sa°-ha was ever 
exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time. 
Frank La Flfeche does not know. 

After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight) 
its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the 
time that the sacred pipes were returned to the Irike-sabS tent. 

The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those 
belonging to the two sacred tents of the Haiiga, and of as many others 
as were required. 



DORSET.! SHAM FIGHT — HEDE-WATCI. 297 

§ 153. The Hede-watci. — Sometimes the ceremonies ended witli tlie 
sham fight, in which event the people started homeward, especially 
when they were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham 
fight was followed by a dance, called the H(§de-watci'. When it occurred 
it was not under the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but 
of the lukc-sabe keeper of the two sacred pipes. 

On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs 
generallj' assembled, and consulted together about having the dance. 
But the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the 
chiefs said, " It is good to dance." The dance was appointed for the 
following day. On the morrow five, six, or seven of the Inke-sabfi men, 
accompanied by one of their women, went in search of a suitable tree. 
According to La Fleche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the 
woman felled it with her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders 
back to the camp, marching in Indian file. Frank La Fleche says that 
the tree was cut during the evening previous to the dance; and early 
the next morning, all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who 
could reach the tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the 
race for the sacred pole, § 36, and the race for the tree, which is to 
be used for the sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also 
says that when the sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede- 
watci could follow the same day. (In that event, the tree had to be 
found and cut on the preceding day, and the race for it was held early 
in the morning before the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race 
for the tree, the first young man who reached it and touched it, could 
carry the larger end on his shoulder; the next one who reached it 
walked behind the first as they bore the tree on their shoulders ; and 
so on with the others, as many as were needed to carry the tree, the 
last one of whom had to touch the extreme end with the tips of his 
fingers. The rest of the young men walked in single file after those 
who bore the tree. Frank La Flfeche never heard of the practice of any 
sacred rites previous to the felling of the tree. Nothing was prepared 
for the tree to fall on, nor did they cause the tree to fall in any particu- 
lar direction, as was the case when the Dakotas procured the tree for 
the sun-dance.'^ 

In the sun-dance, the man who dug the " uj6;i" in the middle of the 
tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged 
to pay for the privilege. Frank La Flfeche could not tell whether there 
were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujeji for the 
pole in the Hede-watci ; nor could he tell whether the man was always 
chosen from the liike-sabe gens. 

When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted it 

'<None of the questions answered by Frank La Flfeche were asked by the writer 
while Joseph LaFlfeche and Two Crows were in Washington ; it was not till he heard 
Miss Fletcher's article on the Dakota sun-dance that it occurred to him that similar 
customs might have been practiced by the Omahas in this Hede-watci. 



298 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

in the njeji, '^ or hole iu the ground, which had been dug in the center 
of the tribal circle. After the planting of the tree, from which the 
topmost branches had not been cut, an old man of the gens was sent 
around the tribal circle as crier. According to Big Elk, he said, " Tou 
are to dance ! You are to keep yourselves awake by using your feet !" 
This implied that the dance was held at night ; but Frank La Flfeche 
says that none of the regular dancing of the Hede-watci occurred at 
night, though there might be other dancing then, as a sort of prepar- 
ation for the Hede-watci. In like manner. Miss Fletcher told of num- 
erous songs and dances, not part of the sun-dance, which preceded that 
ceremony among the Dakotas. 

The liikesabg men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their 
tents and sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of 
eacli gens. Then the latter said to his kinsmen, "They have come to 
give us the stick because they wish us to take part in the dance." Then 
all the people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who 
thought much of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness 
this dance, but staid at home, as did Joseph La Fl^che. Nearly all the 
young men and boys wore nothing but their breechcloths, and their 
bodies were smeared over with white clay. Here and there were young 
men who wore gay clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses, 
and painted the partings of their hair and large round spots on their 
cheeks with red paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the IDke- 
sab6 gens, wearing robes with the hair outside ; some of them acted as 
singers and others beat the drums and rattles; they never used more 
than one or two drums and four gourd rattles. It is not certain which ISke- 
sabg men acted as singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles. 
When Frank La Fleche witnessed this dance he says that the singers and 
other musicians sat on tlie west side of the pole and outside the circle 
of the dancers ; but Joseph La Fleche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed 
in saying that their place was within the circle of the dancers and near 
the pole. This was probably the ancient rule, from which deviations 
have been made in recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied im- 
portant places in this dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young 
man of the gens, but it was not filled.'* These two young men were the 
leaders of the dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient 
proper name, j,a°^i°-na°ba. Two Eunning. According to Frank La 
F16che, these two young men began the dance on the west side of the pole, 
standing between the pole and the singers. The songs of this dance 

''This word "ujeji" appears to be the Dakota "otceti,"_/ii'e-^?a(!e, expressed in 
Omaha notation. As the household fire-place is iu the center of the lodge, so the 
tribal fire-place was iu the center of the tribal circle. 

'^ Frank Fa Flfeche said that the two pipes used iu the Hede-watci were the weawa", 
from which the ducks' heads were removed, and instead of them were put on the red 
pipe bowls of the sacred pipes. (See } 30.) 



DORSEY.l HEDE-WATCI TWO HUNTING PARTIES, ETC. 299 

■were sacred, and so they are never sung except during this ceremony. 
Of the members of the tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while 
those who wished to make presents were mounted and rode round and 
round the circle of the dancers. The men and boys danced in a pecu- 
liar course, going from west to south, thence east and north, but the 
women and girls followed the course of the sun, dancing from the east 
to the south, thence by the west to the north. The male dancers were 
nearer the pole, while the females danced in an outer circle. When a 
horseman wished to make a present he went to one of the bearers of the 
sacred pipes, and, having taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward 
the man to whom he desired to give his horse. The man thus favored, 
took the end of the stem into his mouth without touching it with his 
hand and pretended to be smoking, while the other man held the pipe 
for him ("ui(J;a'^"). The recipient of the gift then expressed his thanks 
by extending his hands, with the palms towards the donor, saying, 
" Hau, kageha ! " Thanks, my friend ! Each male dancer carried a stick of 
hard willow trimmed at the bottom, but having the branches left at the 
top (in imitation of the cotton wood pole). Each stick was about five feet 
high, and was used as a staff or support by the dancers. After all had 
danced four times around the circle, all the males threw their sticks to- 
ward the pole; the young men threw theii's forcibly in sport, and cov- 
ered the heads of the singers and musicians, who tried to avoid the mis- 
siles ; This ended the ceremony, when all the people went to their re- 
spective tents. Those who received the horses went through the camj), 
yelling the praises of the donors. 

§ 154. Division of the tribe into tico hunting parties during the summer 
hunt. — Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different 
route in search of the buffalo. In such cases each party made its camp- 
ing circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes ; all 
consanguinities and atfinities tried to get together. Those who belonged 
to the party that did not have the two sacred Haiiga tents could not 
perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§ 143 and 
151. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for 
future use. They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred 
pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be per- 
formed twice during the year. 

§ 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in 
either party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground 
as soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had oc- 
curred. 

§ 156. Two tribes hunting together. — Occasionally two tribes hnnted 
together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank 
La Fleche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the 
Omahas in the sham fight ; but he does not know whether the Ponkas 
have similar ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, :je-sa°-ha, nor sacred 



300 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

tents, though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Omahas, and 
they have sacred pipes. 

§ 157. Hunting party attacked hy foes. — When a hunting party was sud- 
denly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their 
knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children, 
to avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at 
the time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the 
children were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which 
a quantity of loose earth was quickly thrown ; and they remained con- 
cealed till it was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when 
the Dakotas had attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time 
to cover the children with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over 
them and pretended to be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought 
that she was dead, so they contented themselves with scalping her, to 
which she submitted without a cry, and thus saved herself as well as 
the children. 

When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their 
journey throughout the night. So the members of the different house- 
holds were constantly getting separated. Mothers were calling out in 
the darkness for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport, 
"Here am I, mother," imitating the voices of the children. 

§ 158. Return of the tribe from the summer hunt. — The people started 
homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But 
there were always four runners who were sent about five or six days in 
advance of the main body. These runners were always volunteers. 
They traveled all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one 
waited for the others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down 
and slept. Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he 
started again, without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They 
always brought pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their 
approach was the signal for the cry, " Ikima°'(f!i° ag(J;ii, hu°-i- ! " — The mes- 
sengers have come back, halloo ! In the course of a few days all of the 
people reached home ; but there were no religious ceremonies that en- 
sued. They always brought tongues to those who had staid at home. 

§ 159. Abae, or hunting the larger animals. — No religious ceremonies 
were observed when a man went from home for a few days in order to 
procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Pon- 
kas were the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit. 

When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts. 
Two parts were called the "^je-^i^i"" or ribs, with which were given the 
fore legs and the "■je-na^'qa" or hump. Two parts were the ":je-j^ga" 
or thighs, i. e., the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five 
men the ^e-na°qa was made the share of the fifth ; and when there 
were more persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When 
an elk was killed it was generally divided into five parts. The "^e-ju" 
or fore quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. The 



DoEsKT.] RETURN FROM SUMMER HUNT, ETC. 301 

!}e-jega or liind quarters made two more parts, with one of wbich went 
the paunch, and with the other the entrails. The ;te-na°qa was tlie fifth 
part ; and when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting 
off the ":)e-ma5ge" or chest. 

Frank La Flfeche does not know how the bla«k bears used to be di- 
vided, as there have been none found on the Omaha reservation for the 
past fourteen years. 

§ 160. If one shoots a wild turkey or goose (mi'^xa), another person 
standing near may run up and take the bird if he can get there first, 
without saying anything. The slayer cannot say, " Give it to me." He 
thinks that he can get the next one which he kills. The same rule ap- 
plies to a raccoon. But when one catches a beaver in a trap he does 
not give it away. 

§ 161. Trapping. — Since the coming of the white men the Omahas 
have been making small houses or traps of sticks about a yard long, 
for catching the mi:^asi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes, and 
even the wild cat. 



FISHING CUSTOMS. 

§ 162. Before the advent of the white man the Omahas used to fish in 
two ways. Sometimes they made wooden darts by sharpeninglong sticks 
at one end. and with these they speared the fish. When the fish appeared 
on the surface of the water they used to shoot them with a certain kind 
of arrows, which they also used for killing deer and small game. They 
spoke of the arrows as " ndsize g4xe," because of the way in which they 
were prepared. No arrowheads were used. They cut the ends of the 
shafts to points ; then about four inches of the end of each arrow next 
the point was held close to a fire, and it was turned round and round 
till it was hardened by the heat. 

Since the coming of the whites, the Omahas have learned to make 
fishing-lines of twisted horse-hair, and these last a long time. They do 
not use sinkers and floats, and they never resort to jwison for securing 
the fish. Both Ponkas and Omahas have been accustomed to fish as 
follows in the Missouri River : A man would fasten some bait to a hook 
at the end of a line, which he threw out into the stream, after securing 
the other end to a stake next the shore ; but he took care to conceal the 
place by not allowing the top of the stick to appear above the surface 
of the water. Early the next morning he would go to examine his line, 
and if he went soon enough he was apt to find he had caught a fish. 
But others were on the watch, and very often they would go along the 
bank of the river and feel under the water for the hidden sticks, from 
which they would remove the fish before the arrival of the owner of the 
lines. 



302 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Hu-higide, weirs or traps for catching fish. — La Flfeche and Two Crows 
do not think that this was an ancient practice. Children now catch 
fish in this manner. They take a number of young willows of the 
species called " ^ixe-sagi," or hard willow, and having bent them down, 
they interlace them beneath the surface of the water. When the fish 
attempt to force their way through they are often caught in the inter- 
stices, which serve as meshes. But if the fish are large and swim on 
the surfiice they can leap over and escape. 

The Omahas eat the following varieties of fishes : %\\z^, or Missouri 
catfish ; hu-i-bu;a, " round-mouthed-fish," or buffalo-fish ; hu-hi°'pa, or 
sturgeon ; hii-da-snede, " long-nosed fish," or gar ; and the hu-g^6je, or 
" spotted fish." The last abounds in lakes, and is generally from 2J to 
3 feet long. It has a long nose. 



CULTIVATION OF THE GROUND. 

§ 163. This is regulated by the Hanga gens, as corn and the buffalo 
meat are both of great importance, and they are celebrated in the sa- 
cred songs of the Hanga when the feast is made after the offering of 
the buffalo hearts and tongues. (§ 143.) 

Corn is regarded as a " mother" and the buffalo as a " grandfather." 
In the Osage tradition corn was bestowed on the people by four buffalo 
bulls. (See Calumet dance, § 123, and several myths, in Part I, Contri- 
butions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI.) 

At harvest one of the keepers of the Hanga sacred tents (Frank La 
Fleche thinks it is the Wacabe or j^e-sa^-ha keeper) selects a number 
of ears of red corn, which he lays by for the next planting season. All 
the ears must be perfect ones. (See Calumet dance, § 123.) 

In the spring, when the grass comes up, there is a council or tribal 
assembly held, to which a feast is given by tUe head of the Haiiga gens. 
After they decide that planting time has come, and at the command of 
the Hanga man, a crier is sent through the village. He wears a robe with 
the hair outside, and cries as he goes, " Waifa'e te, ai aif^ u-f !" — They 
do indeed say that you icill dig the ground ! Halloo ! He carries the 
sacred corn, which has been shelled, and to each household he gives 
two or three grains, which are mixed with the ordinary seed-corn of 
that household. After this it is lawful for the people to plant their 
corn. Some of the Inke-sabS people cannot eat red corn. This may 
have some connection with the consecration of the seed-corn. 



OHAPTBE VIII. 
INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS (CONTINUED). 

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION. 

§ 164. Meat. — They ate the "^a," or dried meat of the buffalo, elk, 
deer, but seldom tasted that of the beaver. They cut the meat in slices 
(w4ga), which they cat thin (mdbfejja), that it might soou dry. It was 
then dried as explaiued in § 150. Before drying it is "^auujja," wet 
or fresh meat. The dried meat used to be cooked on glowing coals. 
When the meat was dried in the summer it lasted for the winter's use, 
but by the next summer it was all consumed. In the x^da and Weji°cte 
gentes venison and elk meat could not be eaten, and certain parts of 
the buffalo could not be eaten or touched by the Ifike-sabe, Hanga, 
j,e-da-it'aji, ixesinde, and Iiig(fe-jide. (See §§ 31, 37, 49, 59, and 67.) 

The marrow, wajibe, was taken from the thigh bones by means of nar- 
row scoops, or w<5bagude, which were made out of any kind of stick, 
being blunt at one end. They were often thrown away after being 
used. 

The vertebrae and all the larger bones of the buffalo and other ani- 
mals are used for making wahi-weg(fi, bone grease, which serves as but- 
ter and lard. In recent times hatchets have been used to crush the 
bones, but formerly stone axes (i°'igaga" or i°'-igacije) were employed, 
and some of these may still be found among the Omahas. Now the 
Omahas use the i"'-wate, a large round stone, for that purpose. The 
fragments of the bones are boiled, and very soon grease arises to the 
surface. This is skimmed off and placed in sacks for future use. Then 
the bones are thrown out and others are put in to boil. The sacks into 
which the grease is put are made of the muscular coating of the stom- 
ach of a buffalo, which has been dried, and is known as ''inijeha." 

They ate the entrails of the bufl'alo and the elk. Both the small and 
large intestines were boiled, then turned inside out and scraped to get 
oft' the remains of the dung which might be adhering to them. Then 
they were dried. According to Two Crows, the iiig<!;e, or dung of the 
buffalo, is not " b^a"-piaji," offensive, like that of the domestic cow. 
Though the buffalo cow gives a rich milk, the Indians do not make use 
of that of such as they kill in hunting. 

§ 165. La Fl^che and Two Crows never heard of any Omahas that 
ate lice, but the writer saw an aged Ponka woman eat some that she 
took from the head of her grandson. The following objects are not 
eaten by any of the gentes: Dried fish, slugs, dried crickets, grass- 

303 



304 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

hoppers, or other insects, and dried fish-spawn. Nor do they ever use 
as drinks fish-oil or other oils. 

§ 1C6. Corn, Wata°zi. — La Flfeche and Two Crows mention the follow- 
ing varieties as found among the Omahas : 1. Wata°'zi ska, white corn, 
of two sorts, one of which, wata"'zi-kiig^i, is hard ; the other, wata^'zi 
ska proper, is wat'ega, or tender. 2. Wata^'ziiju, blue corn ; one sort is 
hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 3. Wata°'zi zi, yellow corn; 
one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 4. Wata^'zi 
g^ej6, spotted corn ; both sorts are wat'ega ; one is covered with gray 
spots, the other witti red spots. 5. Wata^'zi !^ii-jide, a " a reddish-blue 
corn." 6. Wata^'zi jidgqti, " very red corn." 7. Wata^'zi igaxuxu, zi 
ki jide ih4hai, ugdai 6ga°, figured corn, on which are yellow and red 
lines, as if painted. 8. Wa^dstage, of three sorts, which are the "sweet 
corn" of the white people; wa^astage skS, which is translucent, but not 
very white ; wa(^astage m, which is wat'ega and yellow, and wa^astage 
%u., which is wat'ega and blue. All of the above varieties mature in Au- 
gust. Besides these is the Wajut'a°-kii(f6, "that which matures soon," 
the squaw corn, which first ripens in July. 

§ 167. Modes of cooking the corn. — Before corn is boiled the men call 
it wata"'zi s4ka, raw corn ; the women call all corn that is not boiled 
" saf 4ge." Wata°zi skif 6, sweet corn, is prepared in the following ways : 
When the corn is yet in the milk or soft state it is collected and boiled 
on the cob. This is called " wab^iiga" or " wab(J!Uga ^anga," because 
the corn ear (wah4ba) is put whole (b^uga) into the kettle. It is boiled 
with beans alone, with dried meat alone, with beans and dried meat, or 
with a buffalo paunch and beans. 

Sometimes the sweet corn is simply roasted before it is eaten ; then 
it is known as "wata°'zi ski^g uha°-b4ji, sweet corn that is not boiled." 
Sometimes it is roasted on the ear with the husks on, being placed in 
the hot embers, then boiled, shelled, and dried in the sun, and after- 
wards packed away for keeping in parfleche cases. The grain prepared 
in this manner has a shriveled appearance and a sweet taste, from 
which the name is derived. It may be boiled for consumption at any 
time of the year with but little trouble, and its taste closely resembles 
that of new corn. Sometimes it is boiled, shelled, and dried without 
being roasted; in this case, as in the preceding one, it is called " wata°'zi 
ski^e uha°i, hoiled sweet corn." This sweet corn may be boiled with 
beans alone, or with beans, a buffalo paunch, pumpkins, and dried meat; 
or with one or more of these articles, when all cannot be had. 

They used to make " wa^iskiskida, corn tied up." When the corn 
was still juicy they pushed off the grains having milk in them. These 
were put into a lot of husks, which were tied in a bundle, and that was 
placed in a kettle to boil. Beans were often mixed with the grains of 
corn before the whole was placed in the husks. In either case wa^i- 
skiskida was considered very good food. 

Dougherty said, "They also pound the sweet corn into a kind of 



"oii^Ev.l MODES OF COOKING THE COEN, 305 

small hominy, wbicli when boiled iuto a thick mush, with ii [)ioi)er pro- 
poitiou of the smaller eutrails and jerked meat, is held iu much esti- 
matiou." The writer never heard of this. 

The com which is fully ripe is sometimes gathered, shelled, dried, 
and packed away for future use. 

Hominy, wabi'jnude or wanAonud^^g, is i)re[)ared from hard corn by 
boiling it in a lye of wood ashes for an hour or two, when the hard ex- 
terior sliin neai'ly slips off (nslonude). Thenitis well washed to get rid 
of the a.shes, and riused, by which time the brau is nibbed off (bionude). 
When needed for a. meal it may be boiled alone or with one or more of 
the following : Pumi)kins, beans, or dried meat. Sometimes an ear of 
coru is laid before the fire to roast (.j6'a"he), instead of being covered 
with the hot ashes. 

\Vanin'de or mush is made from the hard rii)e coru by beating a few 
grains at a time between two stones, making a coarse meal. Tlie larger 
stone is placed on a skin or blanket that the flying fragments may not 
be lost. This meal is always boiled in water with beans, to which may 
be added pumpkins, a buffalo paunch, or dried meat. 

When they wish to make waniu'de-gAskg, or ash-cake, beans are put 
on to boil, while the corn is pounded in a mortar that is stuck into the 
ground. When the beans have begun to fall to pieces, but before they 
are done, they are mixed with the pounded coru, aud made iuto a lai'ge 
cake, which is sometimes over two feet iu diameter and four inches thick. 
This cake is baked iu the ashes. Occasionally corn-husks are opened 
aud moistened, aud put over the cake before the hot ashes are put on. 

At times the cake is uiade of raush alone, and baked iu the ashes 
with or without the corn husks. 

(fib^ub^uga, coru dumplings, are made thus: Wheu the corn has 
been pounded iu a mortar, some of it is mixed with water, aud beans 
are added if any can be had. This is put iu a kettle to boil, having 
been made iuto round balls or dumplings, which do not fall to pieces 
after boiling. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with plenty of 
water, being "uig^uze," very watery, and is eaten as souj) with the 
dumplings. 

Another dish is called " A°'bag^e." Wheu this is needed, they first 
boil beans. Then, having pounded corn very fiue in a mortar, they 
pour the meal iuto the kettle with the beans. This mixture is allowed 
to boil dowu and dry, and is not disturbed that night. The next day 
when it is cold aud stiff' the kettle is overturned, and the a^bag^e is 
pushed out. 

Wacaii'ge is made by parching corn, which is then pounded in a mor- 
tar; after whicii the meal is mixed with grease, souj) made from meat, 
and pumpkiiis. Sometimes it is mixed, instead with honey. Then it is 
made up iuto hard masses (^iskiski) with tlie hands. Dougherty 
says that with wacange and waninde "portions of the ^e-cibe, or smaller 
intestines of the buffalo are boiled, to render the food more sapid." 
3 ETH 20 



306 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 




§ 108. Mehins,2)umiikins, etc, Saka()-i(lc uke((-i", thecoinmoii watermeloii, 
was known to the Omalias l)efore llie foniinir of the white men. It has 
a green rind, which is generally striped, 
and the seeds are black. It is never dried, 
nt is always eaten raw, hence the name. 
They had no yellow saka(j'ide till the whites 
came; bnt they do not eat them. 

Waja'", rin)i2)lin.t — The native kinds 
are three: waja"'(iti, wa^a^'-knkuge, and 
wa^a'" nn'ixa. Wa;a"-qti, the real imnii)- 
kins are generally greenish, and " bicka," 
ronnd bnt slightly flattened on sides like 
turni])s. They are nsnally dried, and are 
called "wa;a"'-gazan'(le," because they are 
cut in circular slices and hung together, 
as it were, in festoons (gazaude). 

The second variety is large, white, and 
strijied ; it is not good for drying. The 
wa^a" muxa are never dried. Some are 
white, others are "s4b(^ ;u ega°, a sort of 
l)laek or dark blue," and small. Others, 
the wa^a"'-niuxa gi('eje,are spotted, and are 
eaten before they become too ripe. lu 
former days, these were the only sweet 
articles of food. Sometimes ])umpkius are 
baked on coals (jeg(('a"). 

Modern varieties are two: The wata" 
nin'de bazu and the wata"'-jide. The Oma- 
has never i)lant the latter, as they do not 
Thewaja-qiiisatthe tnpi thenext is regard it as desirable. Thev plant the 

the waja" musa : the third is the waja"- ^ ■ i ■ i- ^, n'^ \ 

tide; and the bottom ono, the waja-ninde foruiCr, whlch IS irom '-i tO 2i lect long, and 

covered with knots or lumps. The native 
pumpkins are frequently steamed, as the kettle is tilled with them cut 
in slices with a very small quantity of water added. Pumpkins are 
never boiled with 4e-cibe or butfalo entrails ; but they can be boiled with 
a buii'alo pannch, beans, dried meat, and with any preparation of corn. 

§ 169. Fruits and berries. — Taspa'", red haws, are seldom eaten ; and 
then are taken raw, not over two or three at a time. Clumps of the haw- 
thorn abound ou Logan Creek, near the Omaha reserve, and furnish the 
Omaha name for that stream, Taspa"'hi bi'ne. 

Wajide-nika, which are about the size of haws, grow on low bushes 
in Northwest Nebraska. They are edible in the autumn. 

Buffalo berrie-j, the wajide-qti, or real wajide, are eaten raw, or they 
are dried and then boiled before eating. 

^Iande, plums, though dried by the Dakotas, are not dried by the 
(fegiha and xo'^ere, who eat them raw. 




. ol pinupkius. 



DonsEil PUMPKINS, FRUITS, NUTS, ETC. 307 

Na"'pa, choke-cherries, are of two kinds. The larger oucs or luV'pa- 
jan'ga, abound in a region known as jizdbahehe, in Northwest Ne- 
braska, where they are very thick, as many as two hundred being found 
on a single bush. Some of the bushes are a foot high, others are about 
two feet in height. The choke-cherries are first pounded between two 
stones, and then dried. The smaller variety, or na"'pa-jiQ'ga, grow on 
tall bushes. These cherries are dried. 

Gulie, hackberries, are the size of black peppers or the smaller cher- 
ries (na°pa-jii5ga). They are fine, sweet, and black. They grow on 
large trees (Celtis Occident alis), the bark of which is rough and inclined 
to curl up. 

Ag^afikamaiage, raspberries, are dried and boiled. Bacte, strawber- 
ries, are not dried. They are eaten raw. 

Ja°-qude ju are berries that grow near the Niobrara River; they are 
black and sweet, about the size of buffalo berries. They are dried. 

Nacama" is the name of a species of berry or persimmon (?), which 
ripens in the later fall. It hangs in clusters on a small stalk, which ia 
bent over by the weight of the fruit. The nacama° is seldom eaten by 
the Omahas. It is black, not quite the size of a hazel nut; and its seed 
resemble watermelon seed. 

Hazi, grapes — one kind, the fox grape, is eaten raw, or dried and 
boiled. 

§170. ^«/s. — The "bMe" is like the acorn, but it grows on a different 
tree, the trunk of which is red (the red oak ?). These nuts are ripe 
in the fall. They are boiled till the water has nearly boiled away, when 
the latter is poured out, and fresh water and good ashes are put in. 
Then tiie nuts are boiled a long time till they become black. The water 
and ashes are thrown out, fresh water is put in the kettle, and the nuts 
are washed till they are clean, when they are found to be " ndjube," 
cooked till ready to fall to pieces. Then they are mixed with wild honey, 
and are ready for one to eat. They are " ibfa^qtiwd^g," capable of 
satisfying hunger to the utmost, but a handful being necessary for that 
end. 

A^'jinga, hazel nuts, are neither boiled nor dried ; they are eaten raw 
The same may be said of " ^age," black walnuts. 

§ 171. Fruits were preserved in wild honey alone, according to J. La 
Flfeche. Since the arrival of the white people a few of the Omahas 
have cultivated sorghum ; but in former days the only sugars and sirups 
were those manufactured from the sugar maple and box elder or ash- 
leaved maple. 

The Omahas know nothing about pulse, mesquite, and screw-beans. 
Nor do they use seeds of grasses and weeds for food. 

Previous to the arrival of the whites they did not cultivate any gar- 
den vegetables ; but now many of the Omahas and Ponkas have raised 
many varieties in their gardens. 

§ 172. Roots used for food. — The uug(^e or Indian turnip is sometimes 



c)08 OMAIIA SOCIOLOGY. 

roiuid, aud at others elliptical. Wlieu the Omahas wish to dry it, they 
pull oil' the skiu. Theu they cut off jtieces about two iuches long, aud 
throw away the hard iuterior. Then they place these pieces iu a mortar 
aud pouud them, alter which they dry theui. Wheu they are dried 
they are frequently mixed with grease. Occasionally they are boiled 
with dried meat without being pounded. The soup is very good. 

Nil uk6^i°, or Pomme de terre, the native potato, is dug in the winter 
by the women. There are different kinds of this root, some of whicli 
have good skins. Several grow on a common root, thus: ©""©"©l^ These 
potatoes are boiled ; theu the skins are pulled oft", aud they are dried. 

The "si"" is an aquatic plant, reseuibliug the water-lily. It is also 
called the " si^'-uk^^i"," being the wild rice. la order to prepare it as 
food it is roasted under hot ashes. 

The other rice is the " si"'-waniu'de " ; the stalk on which it grows is 
the " si°'-waniu'dehi," a species of rush which grows with rice in 
swamps. The grain is translucent, and is the principal article of diet 
for those Indians who reside in very cold regions north of the Ponkas. 

Si°'-skuskuba, which some Ponkas said was the calamus, is now verj- 
rare. Few of the Omahas know it at present. They used to eat it after 
boiling it. Frank LaFIfeche said that this could not be calamus, as the 
Omahas called that maka°uinida, and still eat it. 

§ 173. Beam. — Beans, hi^b^iii'ge or ha°b^iii'ge, are planted by the 
Indians. They dry them before using them. Some are large, others 
are small, being of different sizes. The Indians speak of them thus: 
"bu^a-hua^i, b^itska ega"," they are generally curvilinear, and are some 
ichatflat. 

La Flfeche aud Two Grows speak of many varieties, which are pro- 
bably of one aud the same species : "Hi°b^iiige sab6 g(J;ej^, beans that 
have black spots. 2. Ska g^ej6, those with white spots. 3. Zi'g(j!ej6, 
those with yellow spots. 4. Jide g(^ej6, those with red spots. 5. Qude 
g^ej6, those with gray spots. 6. Jidgqti, very red ones. 7. SAbgqti, 
very black ones. 8. Jide c^be ^ga", those that are a sort of dark red. 
9. Ska, white. 10. j^u 6ga° s4b6, dark blue. 11. Ji' (5ga° s^b6, dark 
orange red. 12. Ska, ug^e t6 Jide, white, with red on the "ug^e" or 
part that is united to the vine. 13. Hi ug(^e t6 sab6, those that are black 
on the " ug^e." 14. j^u gfeje ega", blue, with white spots. 15. A°pa" 
hi" ega", qude zi ega", like the hair of an elk, a sort of grayish yellow. 

The hi"b(j;i""abe, or hi°b^iuge ma'Hanaha, wild beans, are not planted. 
They come up of their own accord. They are flat and curvilinear, aud 
abound under trees. The tield-mice hoard them in their winter retreats, 
which the Indians seek to rob. They cook them by i>utting them in hot 
ashes. 

§ 174. j^e^awe is the name given to the seeds aud root of the Nelum- 
bium luteiim, and is thus described by an Omaha : The ^ef awe is the 
root of an aquatic plant, which is not very abundant. It has a leaf 
like that of a lily, but about two feet in diameter, lying on the surface 



PORSET., ROOTS, BEANS, ETC. 309 

of the water. The stalk comes up through the middle of the leaf, and 
projects about two feet above the water. Ou top is a seed-pod. The 
seed are elliptical, almost shaped like bullets, aud thej' are black and 
very hard. Wheu the ice is firm or the water shallow, the Indians go 
for the seed, which they parch by a fire, and beat open, then eat. They 
also eat the roots. If they wish to keep them for a long time, they cut 
off the roots in pieces about six inches long, and dry them ; if not, they 
boil them. 

§ 175. Hi""qa is the root of a sahi or water grass which grows be- 
neath the surface of Lake Nik'umi, near the Omaha Agency, Nebraska. 
This root, which is about the size of the first joint of one's forefinger, is 
bulbous and black. When the Omaha boys go into bathe they fre- 
quently eat it in sport, after pulling off the skin. Two Crows says that 
adults never eat it. J. La Flfeche never ate it, but he has heard of it, 

§ 176. Savors, flavors, etc. — Salt, ni ski(f6, was used before the advent 
of the whites. One place known to the Omahas was on Salt River, near 
Lincoln, Nebr., which city is now called bj" them "Ni-ski(j;6." At that 
place the salt collected ou top of the sand and dried. Then the Omahas 
used to brush it together with feathers aud take it up for use. What 
was on the surface ivas very white, and fit for use; but that beneath 
was mixed with sand and was not disturbed. Rock salt was found at 
the head of a stream, southwest of the Republican, which flowed into 
the northwest part of the Indian Territory, and they gave the place 
the name, "Ni-ski^g sagi ((;a". Where the hard salt is.^' In order to get 
this salt, they broke into the mass by punching with sti(;ks, and the de- 
tached fragments were broken up by pounding. 

Peppers, aromatic herbs, spices, etc., were not known in former days. 
Clay was never used as food nor as a savor. 

§ 177. Drinks. — The only drinks used were soups and water. Teas, 
beer, wine, or other fermented juices, aud distilled liquors, were un- 
known. (See § 109.) 

§ 178. Narcotics. — Native tobacco, or nini. The plant, ninihi was the 
only narcotic known previous to the coming of our race. It differs from 
the common tobacco plant ; none of it has been planted in modern times. 
J. La Flfeche saw some of it when he was small. Its leaves were "ju- 
qude 6ga°," a sort of a blue color, aud were about the size of a man's 
hand, and shaped somewhat like a tobacco leaf. Mr. H. W. Henshaw, 
of the United States Geological Survey, has been making some investi- 
gations concerning the narcotics used by many of the Indian tribes. He 
finds that the Rees aud other tribes did have a native tobacco, and that 
some of it is stiU cultivated. This strengthens the probability that the 
nini of the Omahas and Ponkas was a native plant. 

Mixed tobacco or killickinnick is called nioigahi by the Omahas and 
Ponkas. This name implies that native or common tobacco fnini) has 
been mixed (igahi) with some other ingredient. " This latter is gener- 
ally the inner bark of the red willow {Gornus sericea), and occasionally 



310 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

it is composed of sumac leaves {Rhus glabrum). When neitber of these 
can be had tlie iuuer bark of the arrow wood {Viburman) or ma'"sa-hi 
is substituted for them. The two ingredients are well dried over a fire, 
and rubbed together between the hands." (Dougherty, in Lontfn Expe- 
dition, I.) 

" In making ninigahi, the inner bark of the dogwood, to which are 
sometimes added sumac leaves, is mixed with the tobacco. Sometimes 
thej- add wajide hi ha, the inner bark of rosebushes. When thej' can- 
not get dogwood or sumac they may use the bark of thema°sa hi or ar- 
row-wood. The bark of the (f'ixe sagi, or bard willow, is not used by the 
Onuibas." (Frank La Fleche.) 



CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION. 

§ 179. Garments were usually made by the women, while men made 
their weapons. Some of the Omahas have adopted the clothing of the 
white man. There is no distinction between the attire of dignitaries 
and that of the common people. 

§ 180. There were no outbnildings, public granaries, etc. Each house- 
hold stored away its own grain and other provisions. There were no 
special tribal or communal dwellings, but sometimes two or more fami- 
lies occupied one earth lodge. When a tribal council was held, it was 
in the earth lodge of one of the principal chiefs, or else two or thi-ee 
common tents were thrown into one, making a long tent. 

There were no public baths, as the Missouri River was near, and they 
could resort to it when tiiey desired. Dances were held in earth lodges, 
or else in large skin tents, when not out of doors. 

§ ISl. Dressing hides. — The hides were stretched and dried as soon as 
possible after they were taken from the animals. When a hide was 
.stretched on the ground, pins were driven through holes along the bor- 
der of the hide. These holes had been cut with a knife. While the 
bide was still green, the woman scraped it on the under side by push- 
ing a webajabe over its surface, thus removing the superfluous flesh, 
etc. The webajabe was formed from the lower bone of an elk's leg, 
which had been made thin by scraping or striking (" gabfejia"). The 

lower end was sharpened 
by striking, having several 
teeth-like projections, as in 
the accompanying figure 
(B). A withe (A) was tied 
to the upper end, and this 
ri«.27.-Thc Webajabe. ^j^^ sccured to the arm of 

the woman just above the wrist. 

When the hide was dry the woman stretched it again on the ground, 
and proceeded to make it thinner and lighter by using another imple- 




CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION. 



311 



ment, called tlie weubi'ija", which she moved towards her after the man- 
ner of au adze. This iiistruineiit was formed from an elk horn, to the 
lower end of which was fastened a piece of iron (in recent times) 
called the w^'n-hi. 

When the hide was needed for a summer tent, leggings, or summer 
clothing of any sort, the weubAja" was applied to the hairy side. 




Tho Weubajii 



(1 ) The horn. (2.) The irou (side 
view). (3 ) Sinew tied around the 



Fir.. 29.— Front view of thi 
It is about 4 inches vru 



When the hide was snfUcieutly smooth, giease was rubbed on it, and it 
was laid out of doors to dry in the sun. This act of greasing the hide 
was called " wawefiqcj-i," because they sometimes used the brains of the 
elk or buffalo for that purpose. Brains, we(f iq(j'i, seem to have their name 
trom this custom, or else from the primitive verb ifiq^'i. Dougherty 
stated that, in his day, they used to spread over the hide the brains or 
liver of the animal, which had been carefully retained for that purpose, 
and the warm broth of the meat was also poured over it. Some persons 
made two-thirds of the brain of an animal suffice for dressing its skin. 
But Frank La Fleche says that the liver was not used for tanning pur- 
poses, though the broth was so used when it was brackish. 

When the hide had been dried in the sun, it was soaked by sinking it 
beneath the surface of any adjacent stream. Tins act lasted about two 
days. Then the hide was dried again and subjected to the final opera- 
tion, which was intended to make it sufficiently soft and pliant. A 
twisted sinew, about as thick as one's finger, called the we(f ikinde, was 
fastened at each end to a post or tree, about 5 feet from the ground. 
The hide was put through this, and pulled back and forth. This act 
was called wa((-ikinde. 

On the commencement of this process, called ta"'(J'e, the hides were 
almost invariably divided longitudinally into two parts each, for the 
convenience of the operator. When thej' were finished they were again 
sewed together with awls and sinew. When the hides were small they 
were not so divided before they were tanned. The skins of elk, deer, 
and antelopes were dressed in a similar manner. 



CHAPTER IX. 
PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES. 

WAR CUSTOMS. 

§ 182. The ludians say that Ictinike was he who taught their auces- 
tors all their war customs, such as blackeiiiug the face. (See myth of 
Ictiuike aud the Deserted Children in Contributions to N. A. Ethnol- 
ogy, Vol. VI, Part I.) 

Origin of wars. — Wars generally originated in the stealing of horses 
and the elopement of women, and sometimes they are in consequence of 
infringing on the hunting-grounds of one another. When a party of 
warriors go on the war-path they do not always go after scalps only; 
the object of the expedition may be to steal horses from the enemj\ If 
thej can get the horses without being detected they may depart without 
killing any one. But should they meet any of the people they do not 
hesitate to attempt their lives. If the followers or servants fail to bring 
away the horses it is the duty of the leaders to make an attempt. 

§183. Mode of fighting unlike that of nations of the Old World. — War 
was not carried on bythesetribesasitis by thenationsof theOld World. 
The (pegiha and other tribes have no standing armies. Unlike the Six 
Nations, they have no general who holds his office for life, or for a given 
term. They have no militia, ready to be called into the field by the 
government. On the contrary, military service is voluntary in all cases, 
from the private to the commanders, and the war party is usually dis- 
banded as soon as home is reached. They had no wars of long dura- 
tion; in tact, wars between one Indian tribe and another scarcely ever 
occurred; but there were occasional battles, perhaps one or two in the 
course of a season. 

DEFENSIVE WARFARE. 

§ 184. When tiie foe had made an attack on the Oaiahas (or Ponkas) 
and had killed some of the people it was the duty of the surviving men 
to pursue the offenders and try to punish them. This going in pursuit 
of the foe, called nika-(J;iqe f^, was undertaken immediately wiihout 
any of the ceremonies connected with a formal departure on the war- 
path, which was offensive warfare. When the Poukas rushed to meet 
the Brul6 and Ogala Dakotas, June 17, 1872, Huta"-gi'hna", a woman, 
ran with them most of the way, brandishing a knife and singing songs 
to incite the men to action. The women did not always behave thus. 
They generally dug pits as quickly as possible and crouched in them 
in order to escape the missiles of the combatants. And after the fight 
312 



DORSET] WAR CUSTOMS DEFENSIVE WARFARE. 313 

they used to seek for the fallen enemy in order to mutilate thera. 
When some of the upper Dakotas had taken a prisoner they secured 
him to a stake and allowed their women to torture him by mutilating 
him previous to killiug him, etiam genitalia excidernnt. But the writer 
uever heard of the <|)egiha women's having acted in this manner. 

§ 185. Preparation for the attack by the foe. — About thirty-two years 
ago the Dakotas and Ponkas attacked the Omahas, but the latter had 
timely uotice of their intentions and prepared for them. Four Omahas 
had found the camp of the enemy aiul reported to their friends that the 
foe would make the attack either that night or the next morning. So 
the Omahas made ready thatnight, having sent acrier around the tribal 
circle, saying, " They say that you must make an intrenchinent for the 
children. The foe will surely come!" Then the people made an embank- 
ment around the greater part of the circle. It was about 4 feet high, 
and on the top were planted all the tent poles, the tents having been 
pulled down. The tent poles were interlaced and over these were fas- 
tened all the tent skins as far as they would go. This was designed as 
a screen for the men, while for the women and children was dug a trench 
about 4 or 5 feet deep, inside the embankment. 

Mr. J. La Flfeche, who was present during the fight, says that the em- 
bankment did not extend all around the circle, and that the area pre- 
viously' occupied by the tents of the end gentes, Weji"cte, Ictasanda, 
etc., were not thus protected, and that he aud others slept on the ground 
that night. Some of the men dug trenches for the protection of their 
horses. Early in the morning the crier went around, saying, " They say 
that you must do your best, as day is at hand. They have come ! " The 
night scouts came in and reported having heard the sounds made by the 
tramping of the host of the advancing foe. Then the crier exhoi-ted the 
peopleagain, "Theysaythat you must do your best! You have none to 
help you. You will lie with your weapons in readiness. You will load your 
guns. They have come !" Some of the Omahas fought outside of the 
embankment, others availed themselves of that shelter, and cut holes 
through the skins so that they might aim through them at the enemy. 
These structures for defense were made by digging up the earth with 
sticks which they had sharpened with axes. The earth thrown up made 
the embankment for the men, aud the hollows or trenches were the 
u^ihnucka into which the women and children retreated. 

§ 186. Old Ponka Fort. — At the old Ponka Agency, iu what was Todd 
County, Dakota Territory, may be seen the remains of an ancient fort, 
which the Ponkas say was erected over a hundred years ago by their 
forefathers. J. La Flfeche saw it many years ago, and he says that the 
curvilinear intrenchment used to be higher than a man ; i. e., over six 
feet high. Many earth-lodges used to be inside. At the time it was 
built the Yanktous were in Minnesota, and the tribes who fought the 
Ponkas were the Rees, Cheyeunes, and PAdanka (Oanianches). Then 
the only Dakotas out of Minnesota were the Oglala and the Sitca"xu 



314 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



or Bniles. The former were on the White Elver and in the region 
of the Black Hills. The latter were in Nebraska, at the head of the 
Platte. 

The fort liad bnt one entrance. The sitnatiou was well chosen. The 
embankment occupied the greater part of a semidetached bluff. In 
front, and at one side, was the low bench of Isnd next to the Missouri; 
at the rear was a ravine which separated it from the next blnfif, and 
the only means of approach was by one side, next the head of the ravine. 
Then one had to pass along the edge of the ravine for over 200 yards in 
order to reach the entrance. The following sketch was drawn from 
memory, and Mr. La Fleche pronounced it substantially correct : 




Flo. 30.— 01.1 Poukrt fort. The Mis.souri Ki 



PONKA FORT OFFENSIVE WARFARE. 



315 



OFFENSIVR WARPARK. 

§ 187. The first propositiou to go on the war-path cannot come 
from the chiefs, who, by virtue of their office, are bonud to use all 
their influence in favor of peace, except under circumstances of extra- 
ordinary i)rovocation. It is generally a young man who decides to 
undertake an ex))edition against the enemy. Having formed his plan, 
Le speaks thus to his friend : " My friend, as I wish to go on the war- 
path, let us go. Let us boil the food for a feast." The friend having 
consented, the two are the leaders or nuda"'hanga, if they can in- 
duce others to follow them. So they find two young men whom they 
send as messengers to invite those whom they name. Each wag(fa or 
messenger takes one half of the gentile circle (if the tribe is thus en- 
camped), and goes quietly to the tent of each one whom he has been re- 
quested to invite. He says at the entrance, without going in, " Kageha, 
fikui ha, ca"'(f'inkei"te." — My friend, you are invited (by such and such a 
one), after he has been occiqyied awhile. If the man is there, his wife 
rejdies to the messenger, '-(^'ikage ua'a"' he," Your friend h^ars it. 
Should the man be absent, the wife must reidy, "(/'ikage ^-ing^e hf; 
culii tate." — Your friend is not (here) ; he shall go to you. These invita- 
tions are made at night, and as quietly as possible, lest others should 
hear of the feast and wish to join the expedition ; this, of course, 
refers to the organization of a nuda" jinga or small war-party, which 
varies in number from two persons to about ten. 

§ 18vS. Small ic((r party. — After the return of the messengers, the 
guests assemble at the lodge or tent of their host. The places of the 
guests, messengers, and nuda"hanga 
are shown in the diagram. 

The two wcku or hosts sit oppo 
site the entrance, while the messen- 
gers have their seats nest the door, 
so that they may pass in and out 
and attend to the fire, bringing in 
wood and water, and also wait on 
the guests. Each guest brings with 
him his bowl and spoon. 

When all have assembled the 
planner of the expedition addresses 
the comjjany. " IIo I my friends, 
my friend and I have invited you 
to a feast, because we wish to go on 
the war-path." Then the yomig men 
say: "Friend, in what direction 
shall we go"? The host replies, "We desire to go to the place whither 
they have taken our horses." 

Then each one who is willing to go, replies thus : " Yes, my friend, I 
am willing." But he who is unwilling replies, "My friend, I do not wish 




Fig. 31. — A, the Diida''haiiga, or captaiua; B, the 
wag^a. or messengera ; C, the guests : D, the food 
in Kettles over the fire. 



316 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

to go. I am unwilling." Sometimes the host says, " Let ns go by such 
a day. Prepare yourselves." 

The food generally consists of dried meat and corn. jjd^i"-na°piiji 
said that he boiled fresh venison. 

Accordiug to jja^i°-na°paji, the host sat singing sacred songs, while 
the leaders of those who were not going with the party sat singing 
dancing songs. Four times was the song passed around, and they used 
to dauce four times. When the singing was concluded all ate, includ- 
ing the giver of the feast. This is denied by La Fl^cbe and Two Crows, 
(See § 196.) 

A round bundle of grass is placed on each side of the stick on which 
the kettle is hung. The bundles are iutended for wiping the mouths 
and hands of the juen after they have finished eating. At the proper 
time, each messenger takes up a bundle of the grass and hands it to 
the niula°hanga on his side of the fireplace. When the nuda^hauga 
have wiped their faces and hands they hand the bundles to their next 
neighbors, and from these two they are passed in succession around to 
the door. Then the bundles are put together, and handed again to one 
of the nuda°haiiga. for the purpose of wiping his bowl and spoon, pass- 
ing from him and his associate to the men on the left of the fire place, 
thence by the entrance to those on the right of the fireplace to the 
nuda"haiiga. Then the messengers receive the bundle, and use it for 
wiping out the kettle or kettles. Then the host says, "Now! enough! 
Take ye it." Then the wagijia put the grass in the tire, making a great 
smoke. Whereupon the host and his associate exclaim, " Hold your 
bowls over the smoke." All arise to their feet, and thrust their bowls 
into the smoke Each one tries to anticipate the rest, so the bowls are 
knocked against one another, making a great noise. This confusion is 
increased by each man crying out for himself, addressing the Wakanda, 
or deity of the thunder, who is supposed by some to be the god of war. 
One says, "Niida'Miangt'i, wi°' t'^afg tiimiuke." — u-ar-cliief! I will lill 
one. Another, "Niida°haiig^, can'ge wdb(j;ize ag(|;]." — war-chief I I 
have cowe back with horses which I have taken. (This and the following 
are really prayers for the accomplishment of the acts mentioned.) 
Another: "Nuda°har[g4, d4 wi" bfiqa°." — war-chief ! I have pulled a 
head, and broken it off. Another, " Niida^haiigii, Asku u^iza"qti wi" 
bfize ha." — icar chief! I, myself, have taken one by the very middle of 
his scalp-lock. Another, ' Xj (Jjiugg'qti, nutla"harigd, wi°' ub^a"'." — 
war chief! I have taken hold of one who did not receive a wound. And 
another, " Abag(faqti ede ub(^a'" hS." — Re drew back as he icas very 
doubtful of success (in injuring me?), but I (advanced and) took hold of 
him. Those sitting around and gazing at the speakers are laugh- 
ing. These lookers on are such as have refused to join the party. Then 
the guests pass in regular order around the circle, following the course 
of the sun, and passing before the host as they tile out at the entrance. 
Each one has to go all around before he leaves the lodge. 



DOi^Ei-J SMALL VVAK PARTV. 317 

§ 189. This feastiug is generally coutiiiued four days (or nights) ; but 
if the occasion be an urgent one the men make hasty i)rei)aratious,and 
may depart in less than four days. Each uuda°haugA boils the food for 
one night's feast; and what he jjrepares must differ from what is boiled 
by the other. Sometimes two leaders boil together on the same day; 
sometimes they take separate days, and sometimes when they boil ou 
separate days they observe uo fixed order, i. e., the first leader may 
boil for two days in succession, then the second for one or two, or the 
second leader may begin and the first follow on the next day, and so ou. 
When the supply of food failst he host may tell some of the wag^q^a" 
or servants (who may be tlie messengers) to go after game. 

§ 190. Preparation for starting. — Each warrior makes up a bundle com- 
posed of about fifteen pairs of moccasins, with sinew, an awl, aud a sack 
of provisions, consisting of corn which has been i)arched. The latter is 
sometimes pounded ami mixed with fat and salt. This is prejiared by 
the women several days in advance of the time for departure. If the war- 
riors leave in haste, not having time to wait for the sewing of the mocca- 
sins, the latter are merely cut out by the women. ja^i"-na°paji said that 
nearly all of the party had some object which was sacred, which they 
carried either in the belt or over one shoulder and under the o])posite 
arm. La Flfeche and Two Crows deny this, but they tell of such medi 
cine in connection with the ja^i^-wasabe society. (See Chapter X.) 

§191. Secret departure. — The departure takes jdace at night. Each 
man tries to slip off in the darkness by himself, without being sus- 
pected by any one. The leaders do not wish many to follow lest they 
should prove disobedient and cause the enemy to detect their prox- 
imity. 

Another reason for keeping the proposed expedition a secret from all 
but the guests is the fear least the chiefs should hear of it. The chiefs 
frequeutly oppose such undertakings, and try to keep the young men 
from the war-path. If they leai-n of the war feast they send a man to 
find out whither the party intends going. Then the leaders are invited 
to meet the chiefs. On their arrival they find presents have been put 
in the middle of the lodge to induce them to abandon their expedition. 
(See Two Crows' war story, in Contributions to North American Eth- 
nology, Vol. VI, Part I.) 

The next day the people in the village say, "Ha^'adi nuda"' a^a'-bi- 
kearad." — It is said that last ni<jht they went off in a line on the war-path. 

The warriors and the leaders blacken tlieir faces with charcoal and 
rub mud over them. They wear buffalo robes with the hair out, if they 
can get them, and over them they rub white clay. The messengers or 
wag^a al<o wear plumes in their hair aud gird themselves with macaka", 
or women's pack-straps. All must fast for four days. When they have 
been absent for that period they stop fasting and wash their faces. 

§ 192.- Uninvited followers. — When a man notices others with weapons, 
and detects other signs of warlike preparation, should he wish tp join 



a 18 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY 

the party be begs moccasins, etc., from bis kindred. Wben be is ready 
he goes directly after the party. The following day, when the warriors 
take tbeir scats, the follower sits in sight of them, but at some distance. 
When one of the serv^auts spies him he says to his captain, " Niida"- 
haQgA, (|;6;a akA wi"' atii ba." — war chief! this one in the rear has come. 
Then the captain says to all the warriors, " Hau, uikawasa"', ibaha"- 
ba bi°be cti fawdi-g3. Ma°' t6 cti w^gaska°(^4i ga." — Ro, warriors ! rec- 
ognize him, if you can, and count your moccasins (to see if you can spare 
him any). Examine your arrows, too. Then a servant is sent to see 
who the follower is. On his return be says, "War-chief {or captain), it 
is he," naming the man. The captain has no set reply ; sometimes be 
says, " Ho, warriors ! the man is active. Go after him. He can aid us 
by killing game." Or be may say, " Hau, nikawasa"'! ni e((!i^i° gi t6 
afi°' gii-ga. Agudi ca^'^aiiga nAxi(fi^i^6 jji, gaba a^ija" ga°'^ai ^, ca"' 
6ja°mi°' b3." — Ho, warriors ! go for him that he may bring icaterfor you. 
If he wishes to lie on you {i. e., on your bodies) tvhen the big wolves (or the 
foe) attach yo%i, I think it is proper. Then the scout goes after the fol- 
lower. 

But if the man be lazy, fond of sleeping, etc., and the scout reports 
who be is, they do not receive him. Once there was a man who per- 
sisted in going with war parties though he always caused misfortunes. 
The last time he followed a party the captains refused to receive him. 
Then he praj^ed to Wakanda to bring trouble on the whole party for 
their treatment of him. They were so much alarmed that they aban- 
doned the expedition. 

§ 193. Officers. — A small war party has for its chief officers two uuda"- 
haiiga, partisans, captains, or war chiefs. Each nuda^hanga has his 
nuda°'hai5ga-q(f6xe or lieutenant, through whom he issues his orders 
to the men. These lieutenants or adjutants are always chosen before 
the party leaves the village. After the food has been boiled the giver 
of the feast selects two brave young men, to each of whom he says, 
"Nuda°'haiiga-q^6xe hni"' tate," You shall be a nuda^haiiga q^exe. 

In 1854 Two Crows was invited by four others to aid them in organ- 
izing a large war party. But as they went to the feast given by the 
chiefs and received the presents they forfeited their right to be cap- 
tains. Two Crows refused the gifts, and persisted in bis design, win- 
ning the position of first captain. Wanace jifiga was the other, and 
ja^i°-na°piiji and Slnde-xa^xa" were the lieutenants. In this case a 
large party was intended, but it ended in the formation of a small one. 
For tbe change from a small party to a large one see § 210. 

§ 194. Large icar party. — A large war party is called " Nuda°'hi°- 
^aii'ga." La Tl^che and Two Crows do not remember one that has 
occurred among the Omahas. The grandfather of Two Crows joined 
one against the Panis about a hundred years ago. And Two Crows was 
called on to assist in organizing one in 1854, when fifty men were col- 
lected for an expedition which was prevented by tbe chiefs. Such par- 



LuhsEY.i LARGE WAR PARTY. 319 

ties usually number one or two hundred men, and sometimes all the 
fighting men in the tribe volunteer. Occasionally the whole tribe moves 
against an enemy, taking the women, children, etc., till they reach the 
neighborhood of the foe, when the non-combatants are left at a safe dis- 
tance, and the warriors go on without them. This moving with the 
whole camp is called "Awaha°qti ^6," or "Agdq(J;a°qti (f6," because they 
go in a body, as they do when traveling on the buffalo hunt. 

§ 195. When a large war party is desired the man who plans the 
expedition selects his associates, and besides these there must be at least 
two more nnda°hailga ; but only the planner and his friend are the 
nuda°haiiga iijU; or principal war chiefs. Sometimes, as in the case 
of Wabaskaha (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part I, p. 
394), the man paints his face with clay or mud, and wanders around, 
crying to Wakanda thus : "OWakanda! though the foreigners have 
injured me, I hope that you may help me ! " The people hear him, and 
know by his crying that he desires to lead a war party ; so they go to 
him to hear his story. 

Four wag^a are sent to invite the guests, two taking each side of the 
tribal circle, and hallooing as they pass each tent. There is no cause 
for secrecy on such occasions, so the crier calls out the name of each 
guest, and bids him bring his bowl. In the case of Wabaskaha, so 
great was the wrong suffered that all the men assembled, including the 
chiefs. This was the day after Wabaskaha had told his story. Then a 
pipe (the war pipe) was filled. Wabaskaha extended his hands toward 
the people, and touched them on their heads saying, "Pity me ; do for 
me as you think best." Then the chief who filled the sacred pipe said 
to the assembly, " If you are willing for us to take vengeance on the 
Pawnees, put that pipe to your lips; if (any of) you are unwilling, do 
not put it to your lips." Then every man put the pipe to his lips and 
smoked it. And the chief said, " Come ! Make a final decision. De 
cide when we shall take vengeance on them." And one said, " O leader ! 
during the summer let us eat our food, and pray to Wakanda. In the 
early fall let us take vengeance on them." The four captains were con- 
stantly crying by day and night, saying, " O Wakanda ! pity me. Help 
me in that about which I am in a bad humor." They were crying even 
while they accompanied the people on the summer hunt. During the 
day they abstained from food and drink ; but at night they used to 
partake of food and drink water. 

§ 196. Feast — It was customary for the guests invited to join a large 
war party to go to the lodge designated, where four captains sat oppo- 
si:e the entrance, and two messengers sat on each side of the door. The 
ensuing ceremonies were substantially those given in § 188, with the 
exception of the use of the wa^ixabe or sacred bags, which are never 
used except when large war parties are organized. 

Sacred bags. — These sacred bags, which are consecrated to the thunder 
or war god, .are so called because when the Indians went on the war- 



320 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

path tbey used to (fixabe or stiiii off the feathers of red, blue, aud yel- 
low biidis, aud put them into the sacred bags. There were five bags of 
this sort amoug the Oinahas. The principal oue is kept by Wacka"'- 
uia"('i", of the Wajinga (J-ataji subgeus of the (patada. It is filled with 
the feathers and skins of small birds, and is wrapped iu a ^^ahupezi, or 
worn teut-skiu. This is the principal oue. The second oue is kept by 
the daughter of j^ahd-jiuga, of the liikij sab6; because the peo[)le i)ity 
hei', they allow her to keep the bag which her father used to have ; but 
they do uot allow her to take any part iu the cei-emouies iu which the 
sacred bags are used. The third bag is iu the custody of Mdhi° (Jjifi'ge 
of the Weji"cte gens. The fourth, when in existence, was kept by x'd6- 
uui"^i". of the x^i da gens. Aud the fifth was made by Wabaskaha, of 
the lug^e'-jide gens. This, too, is no louger in existence. According to 
La Fleche and Two (Jrows, the only wafixabe used in war are made of 
the (skin aud feathers of the) g^eda"', or pigeon-hawk, the i"'be jaii'ka, 
or forked-tail hawk, and the nickucku, or martin. All three kinds 
were uot carried by the same war party. Sometimes one man carries 
an i"be-jaDka, and the othei' a nickucku; at other times oue carries a 
g^eda°, aud the other an i"be-jaiika or nickucku. ^ja^i" na°i)aji says 
thai the weasel is very sacred. Two Crows never heard this; aud he 
says that the keeper of any very sacred object never reveals what it is. 
These sacred bags are not heavy ; yet the bearer of oue has no other 
work. He must wear his robe tied at the neck, and drawn'arouud him 
even in warm weather. 

At the feast, the three wa^ixabe are put iu the middle of the lodge. 
The keepers take their seats, aud sing sacred songs, some of which are 
addresses to the Thunder, while others are daucing songs. Among the 
former is oue of which a fragment was given by ja^i°-na''paji : 

"Wi-}i' ga" ua"'-i)e-wa'-^-6 e-ga"', 
Wi-^i'-ga" na°'-pe-wa'-^6 e-ga"', 
We'-ti" kS g^i'-ha-'-ba" 3il, 
Na"'-pe w(i-if'6 ." 

"As my graudfathcr ia dangerous, 
As my grandfather is dangerous, 
When he brandishes his club. 
Dangerous ." 

When he had proceeded .so far jafi"-ua"paji stopi»ed and refused to 
tell the rest, as it was too saci'ed. 

This soug is also sung by the keepers of the wa^ixabe after the return 
of the warriors, when the ordeal of the wast^gistii is tried. (See § 214.) 

Though the keepers sometimes sing the songs four times, aud the 
others tlien dance around four times, this is not always done so often. 
After the daiice they enjoy the feast. 

Presents are made by the giver of the feast to the keepers of the 
\va(J;ixabe, who are thus persuaded to lend their sacred bags with the 
peculiar advantages or sacreduess which they claim for them. 



DORSET.] LARGE WAR PARTY — SACRED BAGS — POLICEMEN. 321 

§ 197. The principal captains select the lieutenants, and assign to 
each of the other captains a company of about twenty warriors. Each 
of the minor captains camps with his own company, which has its own 
camp-fire apart from the other companies. But only the two principal 
captains select the scouts, police, etc. 

When the fasting, etc., begins (see § 191), even the captains wear 
Illumes in their hair. 

When the party is very large, requiring many moccasins, and they 
intend going a long distance, a longer period than four days may be re- 
quired for their preparations. 

According to ja^i°-ua°paji, the principal captains tie pieces of twisted 
grass around their wrists and ankles, and wear other pieces around 
their heads. This refers to the Thunder god. Two Crows says that he 
never did this. 

§ 198. Opening of the bags. — When the principal captains wish to open 
their sacred bags, they assemble their followers in a circle, making them 
sit down. Any of the followers or servants (the terms are interchange- 
able) may be ordered to make an " uj^^i" in the center of the circle, by 
pulling up the grass, then making a hole in the ground. Tlieu the sa- 
cred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each oue of whom 
opens his own bag, holding the mouth of the bird towards the foe, even 
when some of the warriors are going to steal horses. 

§ 199. Policemen or Wandce. — These are selected after the jiarty has 
left the village, sometimes during the next day or night, sometimes on 
the second day. The appointments are made by the principle captains. 
If the war-party be a small one, few policemen (from seen to ten) are 
appointed; but if it is a large party, many are ap])ointed, i)erhaps 
twenty. There is never any fixed number; but circumstances always 
determine how many are required. For a small party, two wan4ce- 
nuda°'hauga, or captains of police, are appointed, to whom the i^rinci- 
pal captains say, " Wan^ice ((;aniida"Lan'ga tat^," You shall be cap- 
tains of the police. Bach of these wanijce-nuda^'hanga has several 
wanAce at his command. When any of the warriors are disobedient, 
or are disposed to lag behind the rest, the policemen hit them at the 
command of their own captains, the wandce-nuda^'haiiga. When the 
wandce see that the men are straggling, they crj', " Wa°<; ! wa"< !" On 
hearing this, the warriors say, "The policemen are calling"; so they 
run towards the main body. 

§ 200, Order of march for any war party. — The scouts, or wada"'be-ma, 
go from two to four miles in advance during the day. There are only 
two of these when the party is a small one ; but a large party has four. 
These scouts are sent ahead as soon as they have eaten their breakfasts. 
They do not always go straight ahead. Should they come to a hill, they 
do not ascend, preferring to make a detour by going along a " skida," 
or high level forming an opening between two hills. If, when they reach 
there, they detect no signs of a foe, they continue on their way. Some 
3 ETH 21 



322 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

of the warriors may go out as scouts of their own accord, before requested 
to do so by the captains. 

§ 201. When there is a large party, the two uuda°'haflga-jin'ga, or 
minor captains, bearing the sacred bags, go about a hundred yards in 
advance of the others. Then march the captains, and after them fol- 
low the warriors and those who are the servants of the captains. Each 
captain has his servant, who carries his captain's baggage and rations, 
waits on him, brings him food and water, and makes his couch when 
they camp for the night. As the day advances and the warriors be- 
come tired, they drop behind. Then the captains order those near them 
to halt and sit down. If there are bearers of the wa^ixabe, they are 
the first to take their seats at the command of the captains, who sit 
next to them. Then the nearest warriors are seated, and so on, as they 
come together. Those in the rear sit where they please. It is important 
for the party to keep together, for they might be exterminated if at- 
tacked when the men are scattered. As soon as those in the rear have 
overtaken the rest, all arise and resume the march. 

The scouts having gone to the place designated, return to report, and 
two of the captains go ahead to meet them. Having reported whether 
they have seen traces of an enemy or of game, etc., they are relieved, 
and others are sent ahead in their places. This change of day scouts 
takes place as many times as the circumstances require. One of the 
men who bears the kettle on his back, acts as if he were a captain, ad- 
dressing the warriors thus : " Ho, warriors ! briug me water," or, "Ho, 
warriors ! bring me some wood." 

§ 202. Songs. — Sometimes when a man thinks that he will die fighting 
the enemy he sings different songs. One of these songs given by ja^i"- 
na^paji, was intended to infuriate the warriors. He said that it was the 
" Captive song," and was not regarded as sacred. Though he said that 
it was sung by oneof thewan4cenuda°haiiga, as he danced around the 
marching warriors, that is doubted by La Fleche and Two Crows, who 
said that one of the nuda°haSga was not always singing and dancing 
around the others. The song, as sung, differs from the spoken words. 

Na^'-ku-^C ha'"-i|.i''-bi-go+ (i. e., Na"''-ku-^e-a»-^ti"''-i-ga) 

Na"'-ku-^4-ha"''-^i°-bi-go + 

H6, nu-da"-hau-g^, ^a^'-be te 

U-d-hi-ta-m^-ji no + (i. e., Uahita-majl S,^a. u-f !) 

Nfi-dan-ban-gd, na"'-ku-(j:6-ha'''-^i''-bi-go -f 

It may be translated thus : 

O make us quicken our steps ! 

make us quicken our steps ! 

Ho, O war cbief ! Wben I see him 

1 shall have my heart's desire ! 

O war chief, make us quicken our steps ! 

One of the sacred songs which follows is from the j^oiwere language, 
and was sung by an Omaha captain. It is given as sung in the 



DORSEY] SCOUTS — SONGS ORDER OF ENCAMPING. 323 

Omaha notation of the j^oiweie. The meaning of all the words cannot 
be given by the collector. 

Ma^'-^i" ^e h6 ga+we+ he-li<S ! (Ma^-^;!", for ma-nyi, toxvalk.) 
Man'-^i" ^e h6 ga+we+he-he! 

Tc^-do na-h^! {Tce-!>o naha, huffalo tull, he who is, or, Tlie buffalo hull.) 
Ma°'-(:i" ^e h6 ga+we+ he-h6 ! 

After singing this the captain addressed the men thus : " Ho, war- 
riors ! I have truly said that I shall have my heart's desire ! Truly, 
warriors, they shall not detect me at all. lam now proceeding without 
any desire to save life. If I meet one of the foe I will not spare him." 

§ 203. The Mijjasi watci or Coyote Dance. — This was danced by the 
warriors before they retired for the night, to keep up their splints. It 
was not danced every night, but only when thought necessary. The 
captains took no part in it. Some sang the dancing songs. All whitened 
themselves (sa°ki^a((;a). Each one carried a gourd rattle and a bow ; he 
wore his quiver in his belt, and had his robe around him. They imitated 
the actions of the coyote, trotting, glancing around, etc. 

§ 204. Order of encamping. — As soon as they stop to camp for the night 
four night scouts are sent out, one in advance, towards the country of 
the foe, one to the rear, and one on each side of the camp, each 
scout going for about a mile. Before they depart the captains say, " Ho, 
warriors ! When you feel sleepy come back," referring to midnight. 
Then the scouts leave, and as soon as they reach their respective sta- 
tions they lie down and watch for any signs of the enemy. 

At the command of the nuda°ha5ga-q^exe the camp is formed in a 
circle, with the fire in the center. The warriors are told to go for wood 
and water, and the servants of the captains prepare couches for theirre- 
spective masters by pulling grass, some of which they twist and tie up 
for pillows. Each servant does this for his own captain. When bad 
weather is threatening the lieutenants order the warriors to build a 
grass lodge. For tent poles they cut many long saplings of hard willow 
orof any other kind of wood, and stick them in the ground at acute angles, 
and about one foot apart, if wood is plentiful, and small sticks are in- 
terlaced. Then they cover this frame with grass. When wood is very 
scarce the saplings are placed further apart. 

Unlike the lowas, the Omahas do not open their sacred bags when 
they encamp for the night. All the bags are hung on two or three 
forked sticks, the wa^lxabe-u^uba4ig(^, which are about three feet high. 
These sticks are placed about five feet from the circle of warriors, close 
enough to be seized at once in case of an attack. 

Should any scont detect danger he must give the cry of a coyote 
or mij[asi. By and by, when the scouts become sleepy, and there is no 
sign of danger, they return to the camp, and lie down with their com- 
rades till nearly day. When it is time for roosters to crow, one of the 
captains exclaims, "Ho, warriors! rise ye and kindle a fire." Then all 
arise and dress in haste, and after they have eaten, the scouts are sent 
ahead, as on the preceding morning. 



324 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§ 205. New names talcen. — When the warriors have been four nights 
on the way, excluding the night of departure from the viUage, the war- 
riors generally take new names. But if any one likes his old name he 
can retain it. According to La Fleche and Two Crows, the ceremony 
is very simple. The captain tells all present that sucli a man has 
changed his name ; then he addresses the Deity in the sky and the one 
under the ground : "Thou Deity on either side, hear it ; hear ye that 
he has taken another name." 

According to j^a^i^-ua^paji, the warriors collect clothing and arrows, 
which they pile up in the center of the circle. As each man places his 
property on the pile, he says, " I, too, O war cliief, abandon that name 
which is mine!" (This is probably addressed to the Thunder god.) 
Then one of the principal captains takes hold of the man by the shoul- 
ders, and leads him all around the circle, following the course of the 
sun. When he has finished the circumambulation (which is denied by 
La Flfeche and Two Crows), the captain asks the man, " What name 
will you have, O warrior?" The man replies, "O war chief, I wish to 
have such and such a name," repeating the name he wishes to assume. 
The captain replies, "The warrior is speaking of having a very precious 
name!" Then one of the men is sent to act as crier, to announce the 
name to the various deities. The addresses to the deities vary in some 
particulars. The following was the proclamation of the Ponka, Cude- 
g4xe, when the chief, Nuda"'-axa, received his present name : " He is 
truly speaking, as he sits, of abandoning his uame, halloo ! He is in- 
deed speaking of having the name Criesfor the war-path, halloo! Ye 
big headlands, I tell you and send it (my voice) to you that ye may 
hear it, halloo ! Te clumps of buffalo grass, I tell you and send it to 
you that ye may hear it, halloo ! Ye big trees, I tell you and send it 
to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! Ye birds of all kinds that walk 
and move on the ground, I tell you and send it to you that ye may 
hear it, halloo! Ye small animals of different sizes, that walk and 
move on the ground, I tell you and send it to you that j'e may hear it, 
halloo ! Thus have I sent to you to tell you, O ye animals ! Right in 
the ranks of the foe will he kill a very swift man, and come back after 
holding him, halloo! He speaks of throwing away the name Naji^'-tife, 
and he has promised to take the name Nuda°'-axa, halloo !" The origi- 
nal (fJegiha will be found on pages 372, 373 of Part 1, Vol. YI, " Contribu- 
tions to N. A. Ethnology." According to the Omaha j^a^i^-na^paji, the 
following proclamation was made when he received his present name ; 
but this is disputed by La Flfeche and Two Crows : 

"Heisindeedspeakingof abandoning his name! He is indeed speak- 
ing (as he stands) of having the name, He-fears-not-a-Pawneewhen-he- 
sees-him. Ye deities on either side [i. e., darkness and the ground), I 
tell you and send it to you that you may hear it, halloo! O Thunder, 
even you who are moving in a bad humor, I tell you and send it to you 
that you may hear it, halloo ! O ye big rocks that move, 1 tell you and 



DORBKr.l NEW NAMES TAKEN, ETC. 325 

send it to yon that ye may hear it, halloo ! O ye big hills that move, I 
tell you aud send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! O ye big trees 
that move, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo ! O 
all ye big worms that move (i. e., O ye snakes that are in a bad humor, 
ye who move), I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, halloo! 
All ye small animals, I tell you and send it to you that ye may hear it, 
halloo ! O ye large birds that move, I tell you and send it to you that 
you may hear it, halloo ! " To this address was added some of the fol- 
lowing promises, all of which were not used for the same person : 
" Wati^ ida°badiqti wi°' na^'pfiqti ta"' w^gaq^ 'i^6 ta° &fa, ! — He speals as 
he stands of striking down one in the very midst of the ranks of the foe, who 
shall stand in great fear of him! ^^ " Wati^ uhaii'geqti tg'di wi°' w^gaq^ 
'i^e ta° ^^a ! — He is speaking of striking down one at the very end of the 
ranks of the foey "■ Wati^e uka°'ska ida^badiqti wi°' w^gaq^ 'i^6 ta" 
^^a ! — He is speaking of striking down one in the very iniddle of the 
eneniy^s ranks, having gone directly towards him." " Wati^e uhan'gadiqti 
wi° t'6waki(j! '1^6 ta° 4^a ! — He is speaking of slaying one at the very end of 
the enemy^s ranks!" " Gaza^'adiqti wi° u ^ing6 u(J!a'" 'i^6 ta" ^fa! — He 
is speaking of taking hold of one without a wound right in the midst of the 
foe [i. e., when surrounded by them)!" 

§ 206. Behavior of those who stay at home. — The old men who stay 
at home occasionally act as criers, day and night. They go among the 
lodges, and also to the bluffs, where they exhort the absent warriors, 
somewhat after this manner: "Do your best. You have gone traveling 
[i. e., on the war path) because you are a man. Tou are walking over 
a land over which it is very desirable for one to walk. Lie (when you 
die) in whatever place you may wish to lie. Be sure to lie with your 
face towards the foe ! " They do not keep this up all the time, nor do 
they always make such exhortations. 

§ 207. The women, too, address the distant warriors. The following 
is a song referring to Hebadi-ja°, of the 3;a°ze gens : 

"Wa-na'-qitio-a! X-^a-'a"' ^^-^i^-c^-i^-to 
Xi-nu-h!i, ^a-a^'-^a ca"' ^S-^i^-c^. 
He-bii-di-ja''', C^-a°-jiu'-ga kd^e af-i" gl-S!" 

Hasten! What are you doiug that you remain away so long? 
Elder brother, now, at length, you have left him behind. 
O Hcbadi-ja"! be returning quickly with a young Dakota! 

La Fleche and Two Crows never heard this song; but they do not 
disjiute its correctness. It was told the writer by ^a^i°na°paji. 

§ 208. Report of scouts. — When the scouts return and report having 
found the enemy, stating also how they are encamped, if the party is 
a large one, the sacred bags are opened by the principal captains, with 
the mouth of each bag towards the enemy, as stated in § 198. 

jja^i^-na^paji says that they then give the scalp-yell, and each one re- 
peats what he has promised to do on meeting the enemy ; but this is dis- 
puted by La Flfeche and Two Orows. 



326 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

§ 209. Capture of horses. — Two men who are active go to steal horses 
from the euemy. This departure is called "^igaqA a(};ai," they have 
gone to get the better of (those in) the lodges (of the enemy), and is 
explained by "wama°'f.a" afal," they have gone to steal. The two men 
may go together or maj- separate and try to steal horses at whatever 
places they can find any. Should these followers fail, two of the ofli- 
cers must make an attempt. These officers may be either the captains 
or the lieutenants. Sometimes a youth steals off from the warriors, 
and tries to capture a horse. The policemen try to prevent this, as the 
youth might alarm the foe. No matter who captures the horses, he 
must deliver them to the two principal captains. If many horses have 
been captured, the men take them to a safe distance, and then they are 
distributed among the members of the party. He who captured the 
horses is always the first to receive one from the captains. Each of the 
(principal) captains has his special followers, who are obliged to bring 
to him all the horses which they capture. And the captain, in like 
manner, shares his booty with his followers. Thus, when ja^i°-na°paji 
captured horses from the Dakotas, when he was one of the captains, 
he distributed eight horses among his own followers. (See p. 442, Part 
I, Vol. VI, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.) When he recovered 
the horses from the euemy, the warriors thanked him, saying that on 
account of his act they would not be compelled to make their feet 
sore from walking home. When but few horses have been taken, only 
the elder men receive them ; but when many have been captured, all of 
the party share alike. 

§ 210. Preparations for attacking the enemy. — Before the attack is 
made, it is usually the custom for scouts to make a thorough survey of 
the enemy's camp. So, when Two Crows led his party against the Yank- 
tons, in 1854, and had discovered the proximity of the foe, he first 
sent one of the lieutenants, (ja(fi°-na°paji, to count the lodges. On his 
return, another lieutenant, Sin'de-xa°'sa", was sent by Two Crows, for 
the purpose of learning if the enemy were sleeping. The latter having 
reported. Two Crows himself, being one of the captains, went with 
Sinde-xa°'xa° to make a final examination. Having ascertained the lo- 
cation of the sleepers, they returned to their party, and began the attack 
at midnight. When jjah^-jiiiga aud Niku^ib^a" had led a small party 
against the Pawnee Loups, they sent back a messenger to the Omaha 
camp, and when four scouts were sent from the camp, Wabaskaha, who 
was one of the small war party, deceived them, sayingthat the Cheyennes 
were in the c.imp near at hand. Then mauy of the Omahas joined the 
small party changing it into a nuda°hi"'-^auga. This was after the death 
of the chief Black Bird, in the early part of this century. When the 
main body of the Omahas had joined the others, they proceeded without 
delay to surprise the camp of the Pawnees. Having arrived just at the 
outsideof the village, they crawled towards it in perfect silence, goingby 
twenties, each one hoUlingthe handof tlie man next to him. The captain, 



DORSET] CAPTURE OF HORSES PREPARING TO ATTACK THE FOE. 327 

Niku((;ib^a", or Gia^habi, had a sacred bag, which he opeued [four times, 
said Big Elk) with its mouth towards the foe, that the wind might waft 
the magic intluence of the bag to the lodges, and make the sleepers forget 
their weapons and their warlike spirit (denied by La Fleche and Two 
Crows). He also had a war-club with an iron point, which he used as a 
sacred thing, waving it four times toward the foe. When they were 
very near the lodges, but while it was yet dark, one of the attacking 
liarty pulled his bow with all his might, sending an arrow very far. 
But the arrow could not be seen. They continued drawing nearer and 
nearer, exhorting one another, but speaking in whispers. At last it 
was daylight, which is the usual time for making the attack, as people 
are supposed to be sound asleep. Then Niku(fib^'a° pulled his bow, and 
sent an arrow, which could be seen. He waved the sacred bag four 
times, and gave the attackiug cry of the leader (the wa'i^'ba") once, 
whereupon all of his party gave the scalp-yell (ug^a'a'a),aud began the 
fight by shooting at the lodges. (See § 193.) 

Bach combatant tries to find a shelter, from behind which he may 
fire at the enemy, though brave men now and then expose themselves 
to great danger when they rush towards the ranks of the enemy and 
try to capture a man, or to inflict a blow on him. Those who are the 
first to strike or touch a fallen enemy iu the presence of his comrades, 
who are generally watching their opportunity to avenge his fall, are 
also regarded as very brave. 

Protracted warfare, or fighting for several days in succession, has not 
been the Omaha custom. 

§ lill. Preparation for an attack on a single foe. — In the story of I'ci- 
baji of the xe-sm'de gens, we read thus: "At length the warriors de- 
tected a man coming towards them. They told the war-chief, who said, 
'Ho! Oh warriors, he is the one whom we seek. Let us kill him.' 
Then the warriors prepared themselves. Thej' painted themseUes with 
yellow earth and white clay. Icibaji picked up the pieces dropped by 
the othei's, and the war-chief made his back yellow for him, iu imita- 
tion of the sparrow-hawk. Then the warriors pulled oft' their leggings 
and moccasins, which they gave to Icibaji to keep. When Icibaji, hav- 
ing gained the consent of his captain, had peeped over the bluft' at the 
advancing man, he ran to meet him, having no weapon but his club. 
Having overtaken the man, he killed him with the club. And when 
the others took parts of the scalp, Icibaji did not take any of it." 

§ 212. When one of the principal captains was killed, that always 
stopped the fight, even if he belonged to the side of the victors. 

If any one heard that one of his kindred was killed or captured, he 
would try to go to him, and both generally perished together. When 
the Omahas were fleeing from the Dakotas, in a fight which occurred 
about A. D. 1846, some one told an old man that his son had been 
killed. "Ho!" said he, "I will stop running." So he turned around 
and went to the place where his son's body was. He rushed headlong 



328 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

amoug the combatants, who were standing very thick, and at last per- 
ished with his son. 

§ 213. Return of the uar-party. — On the way home the booty is di- 
vided. ja^i°na°paji said that " They stop tor the night at a point 
about two miles from the village," but La Fleche and Two Crows deny 
this, saying that the warriors come into the village when they please, 
as they are hungry and wish to see their wives and children. 

If they have brought back scalps pr horses, they set the grass afire. 
On seeing this the villagers say "Nuda"' ama' agii, ebfe'ga". Usai." — 
I think that the warriors are coming back. They have set the grass afire. 
ja^f-na^paji said that if they have brought scalps, they put some of 
the hair in the fire, and the smoke is black. But if they put a horse's 
tail in the fire, the smoke is very yellow. 

La Flfeche and Two Crows said that there is no difference in the mean- 
ing of the colors of the smoke, though d6je jide or red grass, siduhi, and 
other kinds of grass, are set afire, and make different kinds of smoke. 

When guus are fired it signifies that a foe has been killed. But when 
none are fired, and the grass is not set afire, it is a sign of an unsuccess- 
ful expedition. 

As soon as the people hear the guns, they shout, "The warriors have 
come back! " Then the warriors ride back and forth, moving here and 
there among themselves in the distance. Then the old men proclaim 
through the village what each warrior has achieved, calling him by 
name — " This one has killed a foe!" " This one has broken off a head!" 
" This one would not allow the others to anticipate him in seizing one of 
the foe by che scalp-lock," etc. 

§ 214. Ordeal of the sacred bags. — When the warriors have had a rest 
of about two days, they assemble for a dance, called the " W^watci," 
or Scalp-dance. Before the dance, however, the successful warriors re- 
ceive the rewards or insignia of valor from the nuda°hauga who has the 
three wa^ixabe ^jaii'ga or wast6gistu. The three bags are placed in a row, 
and all the warriors stand in a row. Each warrior having selected the 
wa^ixabe to which he intends speaking, he makes a present to it. Then 
the keeper of the wa^ixabe addresses him, reminding him that Wakanda 
sees him, and that if he .speaks falsely, he may not expect to stay much 
longer ou the earth. Then the young man says, " Wi^'ake. Wakan'da 
ak4 ibaha"i." — I tell the truth. Walanda knows it. As he snys this, 
he holds up his right hand towards the sky. Then he addresses the 
wa((;ixabe itself, as follows: " Hau, i°c'age-ha! edAda"' uwib^a tdmmke 
^a"'ja, i^ausi'cta°-mdji uwib^a t4 miSke." — Ho, venerable man ! though 
I will tell you something, 1 icill not lie when I tell it to you. When 
he says this, lie lets fall a small stick which has been cut beforehand. 
He is obliged to hold the stick up high when he drops it. Should the 
stick fall on the sacred bag and remain there, it is a sign that he has 
spoken the truth; but if it falls off, they believe that he has been guilty 



DOK8BY.1 RETURN — ORDEAL OF SACRED BAGS, ETC. 329 

of falsehood, and did not do in the fight that which he has claimed for 
himself. 

Rewards of bravery. — When all the warriors have thus been tested, 
they are addressed by the holder of the wa^ixabe. To one who was 
the first to take hold of a foe, he says, "3^X6 mi^ag(j!a'"te ha," ¥ou shall 
wear the crow in your belt. Sometimes he adds, "S4be (j;aj[ickaxe te. 
3;^xe ^jaja ^ai^ickaxe te hS." — You shall blacken yourself. Tou shall 
make spots on yourself, renembUng crates'' dung. This warrior must blacken 
his body, and then mark here and there spots with white clay. 

^a^i°-na°paji said that the second who took hold of a foe had the fol 
lowing reward : He was allowed to blacken his body from the waist to 
the shoulders, and to rub white clay down the tops of his shoulders. To 
him was said, "M^ca'^-ska, ^jAhi^-wdgfa" d^ag(f;a°' te ha." — You shall 
stick in your hair lohite eagle feathers, and wear the deer^s-tail head-dress. 
La Fl^che and Two Crows said that this man was allowed to wear the 
^ahi^-wagfa" alone 011 his head, and to put the crow in his belt. 

According to ja^i^-na^pajl, the third warrior who caught hold of the 
foe blackened his body thus: On the arms, at the elbows, on the ribs, 
and hiusagi, he could make jjlaces as large as a hand (or, he could make 
one side of his body black — sic). To him was said, " x^hi^-wAg^a" mdca" 
^inge d^ag^a"' te ha," You shall wear the 5ahi"-wag^a° tcithout any feath- 
ers. But La Fleche aud Two Crows said that this man was told to 
wear the crow in his belt ; and the fourth who took hold of the foe was 
told to wear the ^ahi" wag^a" without any other decoration. 

ja^i'^-na^paji said that he who disemboweled a fallen euemy with a 
knife was permitted to stick a red feather in his hair. He blackened 
his body from the waist up to the shoulder, and over the shoulder, then 
down the back to the waist. He could redden his knife aud dance as 
a grizzly bear. But Two Crows, who has attended the scalp-dance, 
never saw anything of this sort. 

According to jja^i"-na°pajr, he who kilh'd a foe was rewarded iu sev- 
eral ways. He could wear the ^ehuqfabe" necklace, called the "gadd- 
daje waci"', aud was addressed thus : " Gadddaje waci"' na"'^ap'i° te 
ha," You can ivear the !jehuq(f!abe necklace. " Ma^'-uifubaski di^aga^a te 
ha," Yoti shall carry the ramrod on your arm. " j^dhi''-wag(j;a° sia''^^ 
afag^a"' te ha," low shall wear the (jahi^-wag^a" alone in your hair. 
(These were disputed by La Fltehe and Two Crows.) "Ma^'sa gasii ji- 
de(|!6 na^^ap'i^' te ha," You shall wear an arroic shaft, scraped and red- 
dened, suspended from your neck. (Confirmed by La Fleche and Two 
Crows.) 

He who struck a foe with a hatchet, bow. etc., was allowed to redden 
it and carry it to the dance, if he wished. 

Sometimes a warrior gave a gun, etc., to an old man, who went 
through the camp telling of the generosity of the giver. 



"The fat on the outside of the stomach of a buffalo or domestic cow. 



330 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

All who had parts of scalps were told to wear ^jahi^-wag^a" on their 
heads. 

§ 1215. The scalp dance (of the women). — One of the women had to 
carry the scalp around on a pole during the dance. This act is difa- 
Mju. 

When a man killed a foe with a knife, gun, hatchet, etc., it was taken 
by his wife, who held it as she danced. iSuch women dressed them- 
selves iu gay attire, decorated themselves with various ornaments, 
wore head-dresses of ^eji'^hiMe, painted their cheeks, and reddened the 
deugdza" or parting of the hair of the head. 

This scalp-dance is the women's dance; the men take no part but that 
of singing the dancing songs for the women and beating the drums. 
When any of the Omahas had been killed by the enemy, this dance could 
not be had; but when the Omahas were fortunate enough to kill some 
of the foe without losing any of their own party the men said, " W^watci 
ari'ki(fe till," Let them dance the scalp-dance. Then the men went first 
with one, two, or three drums to a place bare of undergrowth, and began 
to beat the drums. By and by the women would hear it, and assemble. 
There was no feast and no invitations were made by criers. Any women 
and girls who wished to dance could do so. The only men allowed to 
sing the dancing songs for the women were those who had killed foes, or 
had taken hold of them. 

The women did not dance in a circle, but " kidqpaqpag^a" (moving in 
and out among themselves) and "iki(['ib^a°" (mixed, in disorder), as they 
pleased. Sometimes they danced all night till the next morning; some- 
times they continued the dance for two or three days. This wewatci 
has not been danced by the Omaha women for about fourteen years. It 
is not considered a sacred dance, but one of rejoicing. 

§ 216. The He^ucka dance (of the men). — The corresponding dance for 
the men is the He(f.ucka.^° The only members of the He(j!ucka dancing 
societj' are such as have distinguished themselves in war, and boys whose 
fathers are chiefs. When Frank La Fleche was a boy he was admitted 
to the He^ucka solely because his father was a chief. 

"The first four to take hold of the foe were decorated with the ^ahi"- 
wagijsa" head-dress, the 'crow' in the belt, and garters of otter-skin. 

" He who had killed a foe with a gun reddened the barrel for about 
nine inches or a foot from the muzzle, wore the 'crow,' and stuck several 
swan feathers around the muzzle. He also wore a feather in his luiir. 

"Those who struck some of the foe, but did not inflict fatal blows, 
made ou their bodies the signs of blows; having blackened their hands, 
they put them here and there on their bodies, leaving black impressions. 
Sometimes they blackened the whole body, and over the black thej- made 
white hands, after rubbing white clay ou their own hands. They wore 
feathers in their hair, as did all except the four who were the first to 
take hold of the foe. 

" Known among the Kansas as the Ilucka, and among the Osages as the Ia3i(jiii''eka. 



DORSET] SCALP DANCE HE(j;VCKA HE-WATCI. 331 

"He who had been wounded by the foe, without receiving a fatal blow, 
blackened his body, and put on a red spot and stripe to denote the wound 
and the drix)ping of the blood. He wore a red feather in his hair. 

"Those who had brought back horses, wore lariats, "uiisi-iiqfa" (over 
the left shoulder and under the right arm), and carried their whips on 
their arms. 

"All these were promoted to the rank of wanAce or policemen, to act 
as such during the bufialo hunt." (La FUche and Two Crows.) 

"There were many singers. They had a drum, but no rattles of any 
sort. They danced as they moved around the fli'e-place, from left to 
right. This was always after a feast. They had no regular number of 
times for dancing around the circle. 

"The man who first held a foe ranked as number one; the slayer came 
next ; the second who held the foe ranked third ; the third to hold the 
foe ranked fourth, and the fifth was he who cut oft' the head and threw 
it away. 

" Sometimes the fourth man did this. Only the first, second, and 
third of these men were regarded as having gained great honors, and 
these three laded out the food at the feast. 

"Only those who held or touched the foe made the impression of hands 
on their bodies. 

"Those who struck living foes wore feathers erect in their hair, while 
those who hit dead enemies had to wear their feathers lying down." 
(Frank La FUche.) 

Mr. J. La Fl^che gave the following as a very ancient song of this 

dance : 

" Wakau'da akii a"f;iri'ge te, ai ^ga", 
A^^in'ge timinke." 

"Wakanda having said that I shall uol be, 
I shall not be." 

Inthissong, "A°^iil'ge ta'minke" is equivalent to "At'e taminke," T 
shall die. The idea is that the singer thought he would not die until 
Wakauda spoke the word, and then he must die. Till then he would 
be safe, no matter what dangers he encountered. 

For the song in honor of the Ponka chief, Ubiska, see pp. 380, 381, 
Part I, Vol. VI., Contributions to N. A. Ethnology. 

§ 217. The He-icatci. — The concluding part of the He^ucka was called 
the "He-watci." It was danced only by one man, a member of the 
Hef ucka society. After the feast, the head of a dog or deer was gen- 
erally given to one of the guests, who ate it clean and laid it down after 
imitating, as he danced, some of his acts in battle. The man arose sud- 
denly of his own accord, taking the head in both hands and holding it 
in front of him. When no head had been boiled he danced without one. 
The drum was beaten, but there were no songs. The dancer wore the 
"crow," and grasped a club or hatchet, which had been purposely placed 
in the middle of the circle. His acts resembled those of the four visi- 
tors when the Egi'a°-watcigaxe was danced. (See §271.) Pointing in 



332 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

various directions with his club or hatchet, with which he struck the 
grouud each time, he said, "Niaci°ga wi" ga^'a" :" I did thus to a man, • 
"Niaci^'ga wi" Aq<^\,''^ T MUed a man ; "Niaci^ga wi° uh^a."," I took hold 
of a man; or some other expression. When he finished the He^ucka 
dance was ended. 

§ 218. The Mandan dance with fallen friends. — When the Omahas 
lost any of their number in a fight they had the Mandan dance on their 
homeward way, or after they reached home. If they had the bodies of 
their dead they placed the latter in the middle of a lodge, making them 
sit upright, as if alive and singing. And they made them hold rattles 
of deers' claws on their arms. 

In the war story of ja(j;i''-na°i)aji, recorded in Part I, Vol. VI, Contri- 
butions to N. A. Ethnology, the narrator says : " All the people danced 
in groups, dancing the Mandan dance. I rode the horse which I iiad 
brought home. I painted my face and wore good clothing. I hit the 
drum : ' Ku+ !' I said, ' Let Wiiqa-u^ji" take that for himself,' referring 
to the horse. I ])resented the horse to one who was not my relation. " 

§ 219. When the war party i-eturu home, whether they have been suc- 
cessful or not, the captains invite the warriors to a feast. The war- 
riors, in turn, invited the captains to a feast. There was no regular 
order; if the warriors boiled first they were the first to invite (the cap- 
tains) to a feast. 

§ 220. A battle may be ended either by the death of one of the prin- 
cipal captains or by sending a man with a sacred pipe towards the 
ranks of the enemy. The sacred pipe is a peace pipe, and is used in- 
stead of a flag of truce. (See Punishment of a murderer, § 309.) 

§ 221. Treatm,ent of the woundedfoes. — If they fell into the power of the 
men of the victorious side they were killed and their bodies were cut 
in pieces, which were thrown towards the retreating foes, who cried 
with rage and mortification. Their treatment at the hand of the women 
has been described in § 184. 

§ 222. Treatment of captives. — Captives were not slain by the Omahas 
and Ponkas. When peace was declared the captives were sent home, 
if they wished to go. If not they could remain where they were, and 
were treated as if they were members of the tribe ; but they were not 
adopted by any one. When Gahige-jin'ga, father of Waciice, of the 
luke-sabg gens, was a small boy he was captured by the Ponkas as 
they were fighting with the Omahas, who were camjjed near their ad- 
versaries. The Umahas having overcome the Ponkas, the latter sent 
the aged Haii'ga-ck4de, whom the Omaha.s admired, with a peace pipe, 
and, as an earnest of their iuteutioiis,they sent with him the boy whom 
they had captured that day. He was I'estored to his tribe, and i)eace 
was declared. (See International Law, § 300.) 

§ 22.3. Bravery. — The following anecdotes were told by Mr. La Flfeche 
as illustrating the bravery of his people : 

An old man had a son who reached manhood, and went into a fight. 



uoRSEv.] MANDAN DANCE BRAVERY. 333 

from which he returned wounclcd, but not dangerously so. The sou 
asked his father saying, " Father, what thing is hard to endure?" He 
expected the father to say, " My child, for one to be wounded in battle 
is hard to endure." Had he said this, the sou would have replied, ''Yes, 
father; I shall live." The father suspected this, so he made a difi'erent 
reply: "Nothing, my child. The only thing hard to bear is to put on 
leggings again before they have been warmed by the fire." So the son 
became angry and said, "My father, I will die." 

A certain old man had been very brave in his youth ; he had gone 
many times on the warpath, and had killed many persons belonging to 
different tribes. His only children were two young men. To them he 
gave this advice : " Go on the warpath. It will be good for you to die 
when young. Do not run away. I should be ashamed if you were 
wounded in the back ; but it would delight me to learu of your being 
wounded in the chest." By and by there was war with another tribe, 
and the two young men took part in it. Their party having been scared 
back, both young men were killed. When the men reached home some 
one said, "Old man, your sons were killed." "Yes," said he, "that is 
just what I desired. I will go to see them. Let them aloue; I will 
attend to them." He found the eldest son wounded all along the back, 
but lying with his face towards home. Said he, " Wa! ki ga°'^aqti k6- 
ana. G4t6:;a iigaqfe ^aja"' te, eb6 ^a°'cti." — Why! he lies as if he felt a 
strong desire to reach home! 1 said heretofore that you trere to lie 
facing that icay. So taking hold of his arms, he threw the body in 
the other direction, with the face towards the enemy. He found the 
younger son wounded in the chest, and lying with his face toward the 
foe. "Ho! this is my own son. He obeyed me!" And the father 
kissed him. 

§ 224. Grades of merit or bravery, Cwahdhaji-m^, were of two sorts. 
To the first class belonged such as had given to the poor on many occa- 
sions, and had invited guests to many feasts, being celebrated for the 
latter as " w^ku-cta"." To the second class belonged those, who, be- 
sides having done these things many times, had killed several of the 
foe and had brought home many horses. In connection with war cus 
toms, see Property (Chapter XII), and Eegulative ludustries (Chapter 
XI). 

Another protective industry is the practice of medicine. (See Danc- 
ing Societies, Chapter X.) 



CHAPTER X. 
AMUSEMENTS AND CORPORATIONS. 

§ 225. Bicldles, W^^ade. — "Maci^ga wi° ni kg'di hi ^ga", da^'be ^i, 
xag6 gi, Eddda" a? — A person having gone to the icater, and looTsed at 
it is coming hack leeeping. What is that? ''^ The answer is, "(f!6x6 ame. 
Ni kg i^ijai jji, afi°' agii jji, ga'6"6. E xag6, ai." — It is a kettle. When 
it is dipped into the water, and one is bringing it back, it is dripping. 
That, they say, is tceeping. 

jah^ ^jang^qti wi» ededi^i" ^Vfi, q^ab6 ilba^qtia'' ! Caii'ge Sdediama; 
hi" s&b6, jide cti, sbil cti. Ind4da° a?" — There is a moimtain that is cov- 
ered with trees. Horses are moving there; some have black hair, some 
red, and some ichite. What is it f The answer is, "A person's head is 
the mountain ; the hairs are trees, and lice are the horses." 

"Gaw6xe wi° 6dedi^a°. Ind4da° a ? " — There is a place cut np by gul- 
leys. What is it f Answer : Wa'ujifiga ind6 ha. An old woman's face. 
(It is furrowed with wrinkles.) 

§ 226. Proverbs, Wiu^a. — Sometimes they say of an obstinate man, 
" Wanija ^ga" iiha°," He is like an animal, meaning that he is "naxide- 
^!ifig6." Another ancient comparison is this : "J6 6ga°^ha°. Wana"'- 
paji aha"." — He is like the membrum virile ! He fears the sight of noth- 
ing! This refers to a bad man, who fears not to commit a wrong, but 
pushes ahead, in spite of opposition, or, as the Omahas say, "djpda- 
tcije," regardless of the consequences to others or to himself. 

A proverb about the " Wauaxe piaji," the bad spirit, is a modern 
one, introduced after coming in contact with the white men. 

Ictinikeqtia'^i, He is like Ictinike; i. e., he is very cunning. Mijjd 
da nujiagi^ai, The raccoon wet his head. This refers to one who talks 
softly when he tries to tempt another. 

§ 227. Puns. — Two youths accomjianied their mother's brother when 
he hunted game. Having killed a deer, the two young men proceeded 
to cut it up, while the uncle looked on. He made this observation to 
them : " Sdb6 a''(J;a'"da f a°'ja, ga"'adi i^istlbe ha." — Though I was born 
black (sabB), now you suffer (i^isabe). 



GAMES. 

§ 228. Plumstone shooting, jja^'-si kide. — This game was thus de- 
scribed by Dougherty. "Five plumstones are provided, three of which 
ai'e marked on one side only with a greater or smaller number of black 
334 



U0R8EV.] RIDDLES PROVERBS GAMES. 335 

dots or lines, aud two of them are marked on both sides ; they are, how- 
ever, sometimes made of bone of a rounded or flattened form, somewhat 
like an orbicular button-mold, the dots in this case being impressed- 
A wide dish and a certain number of small sticks by the way of coun- 
ters are also provided. Any number of persons may play this game, 
and agreeably to the number engaged in it, is the quantity of sticks or 
counters. The plumstones or bones are placed in a dish, and a throw 
is made by simply jolting the vessel against the ground to make the 
seeds or bones rebound, and they are counted as they lie when they fall. 
The party plays around for the first throw. Whoever gains all the sticks 
in the course of the game wins the stake. The throws succeed each 
other with so much rapidity that we vainly endeavored to observe their 
laws of computation, which it was the sole business of an assistant to 
attend to." 

The seeds used in this game are called j[a°'-si ge. Their number va- 
ries. Among the Ponkas and Omahas, only five are used, while the Otos 
play with six. Sometimes four are marked alike, and the fifth is black 
or white (unmarked). Generally three are black on one side, and white 
or unmarked on the other, while two have each a star on one side and 
a moon on the other. 

The players must always be of the same sex and class ; that is, men 
must play with men, youths with youths, and women with women. 

There must always be an even number of players, not more than two 
on each side. There are about twenty sticks used as counters. These 
are made of deska or of some other grass. 

The seed are put in a bowl, which is hit against a pillow, and not on 
the bare ground, lest it should break the bowl. 

When three seeds show black, and two have the moon on the upper 
side, it is a winning throw ; but when one is white, one black, a third 
black (or white), the fourth showing a moon, and the fifth a star, it is a 
losing throw. The game is played for small stakes, such as rings and 
necklaces. 

§ 229. Banau'ge-kide, Shooting at the banange or rolling wheel. — This 
is played by two men. Each one has in his hand two sticks about as 
thick as one's little finger, which are connected in the middle by a thong 
not over four inches in length. The sticks measure about three feet 
and a half in length. Those of one player are red, and those of the 
other are black. The wheel which is rolled is about two feet and a 
half in diameter, its rim is half an inch thick, and it extends about an 
inch from the circumference towards the center. On this side of the 
rim that measures an inch are four figures. The first is called " M4xu," 
Marked loith a knife, or " M4g(feze," Gut in stripes with a knife. The 
second is " Sdb6 t6," The black one. The third is "Aki^ite," Grossing 
each other. The fourth is " Jifig^ teg," The little one, or " M4xu jiiig4 
tc6," The little one marked icith a knife. The players agree which one 



336 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



of tbe figures shall be "waqiibe" for the game; that is, what card- 
players call '' trumps." 
The wheel is pushed and caused to roll along, and when it has almost 

stopped each man hits gently at it 
to make it fall on the sticks. Should 
the sticks fall ou the top of the 
wheel, it does not count. When a 
player succeeds in lodging his sticks 
iu such a way that he touches the 
waqube, he wins many sticks, or 
arrows. When figures are touched 
by one or both of his sticks, he calls 
out the number. Wlien any two of 
the figures have been touched, he 
says, "]Sra"ba"'a-ii hii,^'' I hare icound- 
cd it twice. If three figures have been 
hit, he says, " (^'abfi" a-ii ha, "7 hai-e 
wounded three. Twenty arrows or 




Fig. 33. — The banaOge. 



sticks count as ablanket,tvrentyfive as agun, and onehundri'd as ahorse. 
§ 230. j^abe-gasi, Men^s game of ball. — This is phiyed by the Omahas 



Fig, 23.— Tlio sticks. 

and Ponkas with a single ball. There are thirty, forty, or fifty men on 
each side, and each one is armed with a curved stick about two feet long. 

The players strip otf all clothing 
except their breech-cloths. At 
each end of the play ground are 
two posts from 12 to 15 feet apart. 
The play-gi-ound is from oOO to 
400 yards in length. When the 
players on the opposite side see 
that the ball is liable to reach A 
they try to knock it aside, either 
towards B or C, as their opponents 
would win if the ball passed be- 
tween the posts at A. On the 
other hand, if the party repre- 
sented by A see tliat the ball is 
between the posts at D tliey try to divert it, either 




. ,34.— >f:l»l)a" a 



iu danger of passing 
towards E or F. 



MKNS GAMES: BANANGE-KIDE, ETC. 



337 



The stakes may be leggings, robes, arrows, necklaces, etc. All are 
lost by the losing side, and are distributed by the winners in equal 
shares. One of the elder 
men is requested to make 
the distribution. Two 
small boys, about twelve 
years old, stand at the 
posts A, and two others 
are at D. One boy at each 
end tries to send the ball 
between the posts, but the 
other one attempts to send 
it in the opposite direction. 
These boys are called uhe 
ginaji". 

The game used to be 
played in three ways : (1.) 
Phratry against phratry. 
Then one of the players was 
not blindfolded. (2.) Village 
against village. The Omahas had three villages after 1855. Bi-kir de was 
Gahige's village, where most of the people were. Wi"-dja'-ge was Stand- 




..-ii:ab.i' 





Fig. 36.— DLigram of the play-grouml. 



ing Hawk's village, near the Mission. Ja^-fa'-te was Sanssouci's village, 
near Decatur. Frank La Fleche remembers one occasion when Wi"- 
djage challenged Biknde to play ^abe-ga.si, and the former won. (3.) 
When the game was played neither by phratries nor by villages, sides 
were chosen thus : A player was blindfolded, and the sticks were placed 
before him in one pile, each stick having a special mark by which its 
owner could be identitied. The blindfolded man then took up two sticks 
at a time, one in each hand, and, after crossing hands, he laid the 
sticks in separate piles. The owners of the sticks in one pile formed a 
side for the game. The corresponding women's game is Wabaonade. 

§ 231. j^a(fu"jahe, or Stick and ring. — ja(('i"-jahe is a game played 
by two men. At each end of the play-ground, there are two "bi'ija," 
or rounded heaps of earth. 

A ring of rope or hide, the wafigije, is rolled along the ground, and 
each player tries to dart a stick through it as it goes. He runs very 
swiftly after the hoop, and thrusts the stick with considerable force. 
3 ETH 22 



338 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

If the hoop turns aside as it rolls it is not so difficult to thrust a stick 
through it. 

The stick (A) is about -k feet long. D is the end that is thrust at the 
hoop. BE are the gaqa or forked ends for catching at the hoop. CC 




Fig. 37. — The stick used in pla.viug (iavi"-jalie. 

are made of ha nasage, weabasta u-dSiigeikaHa", stiff hide, faxtcncd to 
the forled ends irith stiff' "weabasta,'- or mateticd used for 
soles of moccasins. These ha nasage often serve to prevent 
the escape of the hoop from the forked ends. Sometimes 
these ends alone catch or hook the hoop. Sometimes the 
Fig. 38.— The end D Is thrust through it. When both sticks catch the 

wavigye. j^QQp jjeither one wins. 

The stakes are eagle feathers, robes, blankets, arrows, earrings, neck- 
laces, &c. 

§ 232. Wabaonade, the women''s yame of ball. — Two balls of hide are 
filled with earth, grass, or fur, and then joined by a cord. At each end 
of the play-ground are two "gabazu" or hills of earth, blankets. &c., 
that are from 12 to 15 feet apart. Each pair of hills may be regarded 
as the " home" or "base" of one of the contending parties, and it is 
the aim of the members of each party to throw the balls between their 
pair of hills, as that would win the game. 

Two small girls, about twelve years old, stand at each end of the 
play-ground and act as uhe ginaji" for the women, as boys do for the 
men m :)abe-gasi. 

Each player has a webaonade, a very small stick of hard or red wil- 
low, about 5 feet long, and with this she tries to pick up the balls by 
thrusting the end of the stick under the cord. Whoever succeeds in 
picking them up hurls them into the air, as in playing with grace 
hoops. The women can throw these balls very far. Whoever catches 
the cord on her stick in spite of the eflbrts of her opponents, tries to 
throw it still further, and closer to her "home." The stakes are buf 
falo hides, small dishes or bowls, women's necklaces, awls, &c. The 
bases are from 300 to 400 yards apart. The corresponding men's game 
is xabe-gasi. 

§ 233. Ja"-(|-awa, iSticl- counting, is played by any number of persons with 
sticks made of deska or sidiihi. These sticks are all jdaced in a heap, 
and then the players in succession take up some of them in their hands. 
The sticks are not counted till they have been taken up, and then he 
who has the lowest odd number always wins. Thus, if one player had 
five, another three, and a third only one the last must be the victor. 
The highest number that any one can have is nine. If ten or more 
sticks have been taken, those above nine do not count. With the ex- 



D0B6ET.) GAMES. 339 

ception of horses, aiiythiug may be staked which is played for in ba- 
naSge-kide. 

§ 234. Ma°-gAdaze is a game unknown among the Omahas, but jjrac- 
ticed among the Ponkas, who have learned it from the Dakotas. It is 
played by two men. Each one holds a bow upright iu his left hand 
with one end touching the ground and the bow-string towards a heap 
of arrows. In the other hand he holds an arrow, which he strikes 
against the bow-string, which rebounds as he lets the arrow go. The 
latter flies suddenly towards the heap of arrows and goes among them. 
The player aims to have the feather on his arrow touch that on some 
other arrow which is in the heap. In that case he wins as many arrows 
as the feather or web has touched; but if the sinew on his arrow touches 
another arrow it wins not only that one but all in the heap. 

§ 235. I°'-uti"', Hitting the stone, is a game played at night. Sometimes 
there are twenty, thirty, or forty players on each side. Four moccasins 
are placed iu a row, and a member of one party covers them, putting 
in one of them some small object that can be easily concealed. Then 
he says " Come ! hit the moccasin in which you think it is." Then one 
of the opposite side is chosen to hit the moccasin. He arises, examines 
all, and hits one. Should it be empty, they say, " <|;iiig^6 hS," It is 
wanting." He throws it far aside and forfeits his stakes. Three moc- 
casins remain for the rest of his friends to try. Should one of them hit 
the right one (uska°'ska° uti"', or uka°'ska uti°'), he wins the stakes, 
and his side has the privilege of hiding the object in the moccasin. He 
who hits the right moccasin can hit again and again till he misses. 
Sometimes it is determined to change the rule for winning, and then 
the guesser aims to avoid the right moccasin the first time, but to hit 
it when he makes the second trial. Should he hit the right one the 
first time he loses his stakes. If he hits the right one when he hits the 
second moccasin, he wins, and his side has the right to hide the object. 
They play till one side or the other has won all the sticks or stakes. 
Sometimes there are players who win back what they have lost. He 
who takes the right moccasin wins four sticks, or any other number 
which may be fixed upon by previous agreement. 

Eight sticks win a blanket ; four win leggings ; one hundred sticks, 
a full-grown horse ; sixty sticks, a colt ; ten sticks, a gun ; one, an ar- 
row; four, a knife or a pound of tobacco ; two, half a pound of tobacco. 
Buffalo robes (meha). otter skins, and beaver skins are each equal to 
eight sticks. Sometimes they stake moccasins. 

When one player wins all his party yell. The men of each party sit 
in a row, facing their opponents, and the moccasins are placed between 
them. 

§236. Shooting arrows at a mark is called " Ma" kide. " The mark 
(nac4beg^e tS) may be placed at any distance from the contestants. 
There must be an even number of persons on each side. Men play with 
men and boys with boys. Arrows are staked. Sometimes when an ar- 



340 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

row hits squarely at the mark it wins eight arrows or perhaps ten, ac- 
cordiug to previous agreement. When no arrow hits the mark squarely 
and one touches it, that arrow wins. And if there is neither an arrow 
that hits the mark squarely nor one that barely touches it, then the near- 
est arrow wins. Should there be no arrow that has gone nearly to the 
mark, but one that has gone a little beyond it and descended, that one 
wins. Whichever one is nearest the mark always wins. If there are 
two arrows equidistant from the mark which belong to opposite sides in 
the game neither one wins ; but if the equidistant arrows are on the 
same side both win. Sometimes they say, " Let us finish the game 
whenever any one hits the mark squarely." Then he who thus hits the 
mark wins all the arrows staked. 

§ 237. Shooting at a moccasin. — Hi°be kide is a boy's game. An arrow 
is stuck in the ground and a moccasin is fastened to it. Each boy rides 
swiftly by and shoots at the moccasin. The game resembles the pre- 
ceding one. 

§ 238. Ma°-muqpe, The game of dislodging arrows, is common to the 
Omahas, Ponkas, lowas, Otos, and Missouris. Arrows are shot up into 
a tree till they lodge among the branches ; then the players shoot up 
and try to dislodge them. Whoever can bring down an arrow wins it. 
There are no sides or opposing parties. Auy number of boys can play. 
The game has become obsolete among the Omahas as there are no ar- 
rows now in use. 

§ 239. Ma^^i^'-bagi, Wahi-gasnug'-ife (Omaha names), or lVIa°-ibagi 
(Ponka name) is a game played by an even number of boys. The tall 
sticks of the red willow are held in the hand, and, when thrown towards 
the ground so as to striise it at an acute angle, they glance oft', and are 
carried by the wind into the air for some distance. Whichever one can 
throw his stick the furthest wins the game ; but nothing is staked. 

§ 240. Mau'dg gasnug'-i^e is a game similar to Ma''((;i°-bagi, but bows 
are used instead of the red willow sticks and arrows are staked, there 
being an even number of players on each side. Each bow is unstrung, 
one end being nearly straight, the other end, which is to hit the ground, 
being slightly curved. When snow is on the ground the bows glide 
very far. Sometimes the bow rebounds and goes into the air, then 
alights and glides still further. The prize for each winning bow is ar- 
ranged before each game. If the number be two arrows for each and 
three bows win, six arrows are forfeited by the losing side; if four bows 
win eight arrows are lost. If three arrows be the prize for each, when 
two bows win, six arrows are forfeited ; when three win, nine arrows; 
and so on. 

§ 241. I°'-ti" bi^a, a boy's game among the Omahas, is played in winter. 
It is played by two, three, or four small boys, each one having a stick, 
not over a yard long, shaped liiie the figure. The stakes are necklaces 
and ear-rings; or, if they have no stakes they agree to hit once on the 



DORSET.] GAMES OF BOYS AND SMALL CHILDREN. 341 

bead the boj- whose stick goes the shortest distauce. The sticks are 
thrown as iu Ma"(J'i"-bagi. 

§ 242. Diving. — Boys dive and see who can go the farthest under wa- 
ter. Some put grass in their mouths previous to diving ; and when they 



Fic. US.— Tlie stick used in play 



get under water they blow through the grass, causing bubbles to rise 
to the surface and mark their course. He who goes the shortest distance 
can be struck by the winner with the robe of the latter. 

§ 243. Children's gamea. — Children play iu the uuid, making lodges, etc.; 
hence the verb ":^i'-gaxe," to male (mud) lodges, to play as children do. 
The girls used to make dolls of sticks, and place them in small U(l-uhe. 
Xow, some of them make rag dolls. 

Children strike one another "last," saying, " Gatca"'," ;'. e., " So far." 

xahaif'ija is played by two persons. A's left baud is at the bot- 
tom, the skin on its back is pinched by B's left hand, which, in turn, 
is pinched by A's right, and that by B's right. After saying '' x^^^'^" 
(fija" twice as they raise and lower the hands, they release them and hit 
at each other. The Kansas call the game Taleska. These two customs 
were observed among the Ponka children. 

§ 244. Games icith playing cards. — Since coming in contact with our 
race the Omahas have learned to play several games with cai'ds : and 
a few can play checkers and backgammon, though they are hardly fa- 
miliar with our language. 

Doughertj' says, " Various are the games which they practice, of which 
is one called Matrimony, but others are peculiar to themselves. The fol- 
lowing is one to which they seem to be [)articularly devoted : 

" The players seat themselves around a bison i-obe, spread on the 
ground, and each individual deposits iu the middle the articles which 
he intends to stake, such as vermilion, beads, knives, blankets, etc., 
without any attention to the circumstance of equalizing its value with 
the deposits made by his companions. Four small sticks are then laid 
upon the robe and the cards are shuffled, cut, and two are given to each 
player, after which the trump is tui'ued. The hands are then played, 
and whoever gains two tricks takes one of the sticks. If two persons 
make each a trick, they play together until one loses his trick, when the 
other takes a stick. The cards are agaiu dealt and the process is cou- 
tinued until all the sticks are taken. If four persons have each a stick 
they continue to play to the exclusion of the unsuccessful gamesters. 
When a player wins two sticks, four cards are dealt to him that he m.ay 
take his choice of them. If a player wins three sticks, six cards are 
dealt to him, and should he take the fourth stick he wins the stakes." 

§ 245. Musicians. — These included the musicians for special occasions, 
as the Qu>ia for the service of the keepers of the sacred tents of the 



342 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Hafiga (see Hunting customs, § 143), the singers for the Hede-watci, 
who were Inke-sab6 men, and the musicians for the dancing societies, 
etc. 



CORPORATIONS. 
FEASTING SOCIETIES. 

§ 246. Feasting societies or tJkikun(5();6 (called Ukikuue(j;6 by the Pen- 
kas) were of three kinds ; that for the men, that for the young men, 
and one for youths in their teeus. No business was transacted, and 
there was ueither singing uor dancing as an essential part of the pro- 
ceedings. They were merely social gatherings, intended chiefly for 
the purpose of feasting, aiid they were fostered by the state, as they 
tended to bind together as friends all who were present as guests. 

Joseph La Fleche used to be a member of the society of the married 
men and aged men. When he did not go to the feast he could send 
his sou, Frank ; and other men were allowed to send their sons as 
proxies. This society is now extinct. The giver of the feast used to 
place in the middle of the lodge a large wooden bowl, which was empty. 
Beside it was laid a very red spoon, made of buSalo horn. The bowl 
and spoon were not used by any of the guests. 

The society of the young men, which became extinct about A. D. 1879, 
was called, " Hi°be hi" t'a", Hairy MoccasinsP To this belonged Hidaha, 
of the Elk gens, Huta°ta", of the Ictasanda, and many others. They 
invited any one whom they wished to join their society. A pipe was 
smoked whenever they assembled. 

There was a society for youths from seventeen to nineteen years of 
age, but its name cannot be recalled by Frank La Fleche. (See §§ 18, 
111, 130.) 

DANCING SOCIETIES. 

§ 247. The dancing societies of the Omahas and Ponkas may be divided 
into the following classes : 1. Those which are " waqube," or sacred, in- 
cluding those connected with the practice of medicine. 2. Those that 
are "uwaciice-a^4^ica°," or connected with bravery and war. 3. Those 
that are " ujawa-^A^ica"," or merely for social pleasure. They admit of 
another classification, i. e., 1. Those of native origin ; and, 2, such as 
have been introduced or jjurchased from other tribes. 

§ 248. The Waciclca dance. — The Wacicka a^i"'-ma or Wacicka a^i°'- 
watcigaxe is the name of the principal society. The j^oiwere name for 
it is " Wacuckanyi." This society appears to exist under different names 
among many tribes besides the Omahas, including the Winnebagos, 
Dakotas, and Odjibwe or Chippewas. 

The writer has received conflicting accounts of the character of this 
dance, ^af i^-na^paji spoke of it as one that was " waspe," well-behaved. 



y"^ 



DOusEY] THE WACICKA DANCING SOCIETY. 343 

Mr. J. La Fl^che and Two Crows used the followiug expressions witb 
reference to it : " Uniju gaxai," )7 tended to pride ; " ligactanka gdxai," 
it tended to temptation; " uma"((;a" gaxai," it tended to theft; " ami"- 
((;ig^a" gaxai," it tended to concupiscence; " iqta-hna"i," they used to 
abuse persons ; ^'' w.itci,^^ cum aliquibiis coiverunt. The dancers used to 
dress so as to attract those of the opposite sex. The leaders or " i'(f;ig^a" " 
of tlie dance are G^eda°-naji" and ^jedegahi. The other members whose 
names are remembered bj- Two Crows and others are Wacka"ma"(J-i", 
Duba-ma°(J;i°, Maja°-kide, Cangeska, Jiiiga-gahige, Ha"-akipa, the wives 
of G^eda"uaji", ^jedegahi, and Wacka°-ma"^i°, ]g^e-baha's mother, and 
3a"ze-haiiga's mother's sister. "Besides these are Muxa-uaji", Jiuga- 
gahige's mother, Wacka°-ma°(f;i"'s son, Uma"ha°-ta"wang(J;a'', and many 
others." {Franh La Flcche.) The full number is nineteen. All the 
chiefs can belong to this society, and their younger brothers, wives, eldest 
daughters, and sisters' sons are eligible. Waha°-^inge's larger wife, 
A"pa°-4aiiga's sister, used to be a member. 

Not over five can carry otter skin bags in the dance. Four of these aie 
Duba-ma°(f;i", Jiuga gahige, Caiige-ska, and Maja°-kide. G^eda'^-naji" is 
one of the two that can carry bags made of the skins of the siiiga or flying- 
squirrels. Ha^-akipa carries a bag made of the skin of a mij[a-skri or 
"white rac30on." This is a modern addition. ^ja(j)i"-na°paji said that 
some have bags of the skin of the m4za"he, an animal resembling an 
otter ; it is covered with black and reddish-yellow hair ; its tail is bushy, 
and the hair is thick. J. La Flfeche and Two Crows said that this kind 
of bag was not used by the Omalias. The parents of G^eda"-naji° 
(j^e-saP and wife) carried a bag of black bear skin, but the son did not 
inherit it. 

If they cannot have the regular kind of bags, some make bags of the 
skins of muskrats, or of any other animal which they can obtain. 

All who have no skin bags carry fans of eagles' wings. All the bags 
are called " Hi-ugaqixe," a term meaning " A skin with the teeth of the 
animal attached," and tbey are used as nini-ujiha, or tobacco pouches. 
The noses of all the animals ( t. e., those on the bags) were painted blue. 
Of the otter-skin bags about two had each a red feather i)laced cross- 
wise in the mouih of the animal. 

§ 249. This dance is held in the spring of the year, beginning on a 
good day, when the grass is about six inches high. After an intermis- 
sion of a few days they may have the dance again, if they wish ; then, 
after a similar intermission, they may repeat it, and so on. 

Before holding the dance one of the members, an old man, says to 
the leaders, " Do consider the subject ; I will boil (for the feast)." They 
reply, " Yes, we will have it ; you can boil." Then the members must 
borrow two drums, four gourd rattles, and two pillows. These articles 
must always be borrowed, as it would be wrong for the members to make 
or furnish them. Four persons undertake the boiling for the feast. 
Some brave men are selected to act as " quija," part of whom, however, 



344 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

are members of the society. Two are appointed to beat the drums, aud 
four to beat the rattles on the pillows. These six performers are not 
members of the society. 

§ 250. When one wishes to join the society he must proceed as follows: 
During the day the candidate boils food for a feast, to which he invites 
all the members of the society. About twilight they arrive, aud hav- 
ing partaken of the feast they receive presents from the candidate, 
who asks them to admit hiiu to their society. If they agree to admit 
him a feast is appointed for the next day in connectiou with the dance, 
when he will be initiated. Before the ceremony, however, the chiefs 
confer with one another, saying, " Wi ab^i"' t4miiike. NIkaci°'ga wdga- 
zu'ga", ab^i"' t^minke. TJ^uka^pi t^ga" ab^i"' t^miiike." — I will have 
him. I will have him, as he is an honest man. I will have him, as he will 
be a fine looking person. 

§ 251. Dress and ornaments of the dancers. — Two Crows says that they 
used to wear deerskin leggings. He says that there is no uniform dress 
for members of either sex. ja^i^-na^paji gave the following : The men 
wear red leggings, of which each leg coraes down over the moccasin in a 
point. Ribbon-work in two parts that cross over the moccasins shakes 
when the wearer dances. Two kinds of garters are worn together; one 
kind is of otter-skin, the-other of bead- work and ^eji°hi°de." This jeji°- 
hi°de part is fastened over the legging-flap on the outer side of each leg, 
and is " z^zade " (extending apart like the sticks of a fan) and dangling. 
The flaps of the leggings, which are as wide as a hand, contain ribbon - 
work generally from the knee up, and sometimes the whole length of 
the leggings. When a member wears no shirt he may ornament his body 
with a dozen " wa(J!ig^eze," or convoluted lines. These are red, six in 
front and six on the back ; of those iu front, two are at the waist, two 
higher up on the chest, and two on the arm ; and of those on the back 
two are near the nape of the neck, two lower down, and two just above 
the waist. A red stripe about a linger wide is put on the face, extend- 
ing from each side of the mouth to the jaw, aud similar stripes are drawn 
down on the sides of the nose. xeji°hi°de head-dresses are worn, aud 
some have deer's tail head-dresses on their heads, surmounted by very 
white feathers, which are waving slowly as the dancers move. Two 
Crows says that they now turn dawn the flaps or hi°b^diha of the moc- 
casins. 

The women's attire consists of a gay calico body or sacque, ornamented 
with two rows of small pieces of silver as large as copper cents, ex- 
tending all around the neck of the garment ; leggings with an abun- 
dance of ribbon embroidered on the flaps; short garters of !}eji"hi"de and 
bead- work ; moccasins dyed black and ornamented with porcupine 
work, and a red or black blanket. 

^6-ugAcke iii", ear-bobs, are worn. 

'^ Yarn of various colors iutervoven. 



DOMEY] THE WACICKA DANCING SOCIETY. 345 

The parting of the hair is reddened, and a narrow red stripe is made 
from the temple to the jaw. 

Two Crows says that there are different styles of putting the paint ou 
the eyes, etc., with the exception of the two methods given above, which 
never vary. 

§ 252. The dance may take place out of doors, or else in an earth- 
lodge. It is started by the leaders, who begin the song, which is then 
taken up by the singers. The dancers form a circle, and around this they 
dance,following the course of the sun, according to j^a^i''na'^-paji. There 
are different steps in the dance, and each i)erson keeps time with the 
beatinij; of the drums. 

^acj-i^-ua^paji says that the wacicka is as thick as a pencil, and is 
about a half an inch long. It is white. It is generally shot at the candi- 
date by a member who is not one of his kindred, though the kinsman may 
do the shooting. It is generally given " wa^ionaji," invisibly, being shot 
from the moutii of the possessor into that of the candidate, lodging in 
his throat near the Adam's apple, and knocking him down. Then the 
candidate staggers and coughs, " Ha ! ha ! " (whispered). He hits him- 
self on the back of hisheadand dislodges the wacicka intohishand, where 
it lies white. A sacred bag is also given to the candidate. The wacicka 
is always kept iu the mouth of the otter (that iS, in the hi-ugaqixe), ex 
cept when the owner wishes to shoot it from his mouth (at a candidate!), 
according to jjafi''na°paji. But J. La Fleche and Two Crows say that 
the wacicka is spit into the mouth of an otter when they wish to use it 
in the dance. 

A few of those carrying bags imitate the cry of the otter or that of 
the flying squirrel: "Ten ! tcu! tcu! ten ! tcu ! " (in thirty -second notes). 
Each one has a small piece of wood that has been hollowed with a 
knife, and feathers that have been cut thin have been fastened ou the 
wood, making a whistle which causes the imitation of the cry of those 
animals. On each bag some bells are put on the tail of the animal, and 
porcu[)ine work is around the legs. The dancer holds the head in one 
hand and the tail in the other. It is aimed at the person to be shot at. 
None are thus shot at but members and candidates. 

§ 253. Order of shooting. — All stand in a circle. Then four of their 
number are placed in the middle, standing in a row. They who do the 
shooting remain in the cii-cle, and each one of them shoots at one of the 
four in the middle. When the latter or the second four have " gaouiide" 
{i. e., have made the wacicka come out of their throats by hitting them- 
selves on the back of the neck), they return to their places in the circle, 
and the four who shot at them step into the center and are shot at by 
a third four. When the second four have " gaonude," they return to 
their places, and the third four t.ake their places in the middle ; and so 
on till all have been shot at once. Then the first four step into the center 
again, and the last four shoot at them. This ends the dance. 

§ 254. None but members can take part in the dance, and the " uwa- 



346 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

weqiqa." This uwaweqaqa or iqta was never witnessed by J. La Fleche 
and Two Crows. Xo one ever said to theiu, " I saw the uwaweqaqa iu 
the Wacicka dance." But they have heard persons speak iu ridicule 
of a woman who joined the dance without her husbaud. Of course, if 
the woman's husbaud or other kinsmau was preseut, he would be uu- 
williug for any stranger to abuse his wife or kinswouian. The women 
aduiitted to this society were not necessarily the tattooed women. 

That there is some foundation for the statement that lewd rites oc- 
curred during some part of the dance is more probable after a compar- 
ison of the season for this dance with the Pouka phrase, " Wihe, d^je 
t'a°. A°^au'giqt4! " — My little sister (or my female friend), grass abounds. 
{Let) ns delight in each oihe) ! Frank La Fleche thinks that this is 
without fouudation. He says that four days were spent in the secret 
initiation, the public ceremony takiug place on the last day. 

§1'55. AVhen Frauk La Fleche wituessed the public ceremony iu the 
lodge the members were stationed all arouud the circle. The four cau- 
didates were placed betweeu the fire-i)lace and the door, and thence they 
began to dance arouud the fire, moviug from left to right. As they 
were dancing arouud, one of the members having an otter skin bag left 
the outer circle, and began to follow them, moviug iu a circle between 
that of the dancers and that of the members. While the singing was 
going on, he shot at each of the four candidates with his sacred bag. 
After these were shot at, all the members danced, and then any oue of 
them was at liberty to shoot at the others. 

§ 2oG. The T'kug(^i fZance.— I"'-kug(fn a(f;i°' ma, or Qub(§ i"'-kug(|;i acfi"'- 
ma, The society of those icho have the translucent stones. (jaij;i°-ua°paj'i says 
that this is a bad dance, the members beiug " wtispaji." Each member 
hasoue of the i°kug(/;i, with which heorshe shoots at some oue else. These 
i"-kug(('i are small stoues which are translucent aud white. The mem- 
bers of this society claim the power of shooting secretly auy some oue 
with deje or siduhi,aud making him lame. ^a^i° na"paji also says that 
they sometimes shoot persons secretly vnth " ;ama°'," which is a piece 
of the intestine of a wolf, and about six inches long. This produces 
fatal consequences. Frank La Flfeche has heard this asserted, but it 
is denied bj^ Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows. They do not know 
about the followiug, for which j;a^i°ua°i)aji is the authority : "Iu order 
to shoot the i"-kug^i, it is put iu a hollow at the base of the eagle fau, 
which is waved forward very rapidly, hurling the stoue to a great dis- 
tance, about forty or fifty yards." 

There is no special season for this dance. They dauce all day, aud 
sometimes at night ; aud there are not separate places for the two sexes, 
as men aud womeu dance " ikiijiibifa"," mixed, or intermingled. 

Drums, rattles, etc., are used, as in the Wacicka a^i°. Some 
men wear large leggings as well as breech-cloths; but no gay clothing. 
The womeu wear sacques, leggings, red blankets, aud bead uecklaces ; 
and they redden the parting of the hair and the cheeks somewhat as 



DORSKY] THE 1''KUG([;I and BUFFALO DANCES. 347 

tliej do for the Wacicka a(|'i". The men wear mauy plumes iu Hieir 
hair, aud cany fans made of eagles' wings. They have no regular pat- 
terns for painting themselves; but they use as paint either " wasejide- 
nika" (Indian red) or " ma°(J;iiika-qude" (gray clay). 

The only surviving leaders of this society are xenuga and Sihi-dnba. 
Among the members are B^a"-ti, xaud-una^ha", Uif a°be'a°sa, Gage-ska, 
Xaqiewafg-jiiiga, ja-sa", Inigani, Maja°kide, Si-qude, Naude-wahi, aud 
some women. According to J. La Fl^che, this is one of the dances that 
are considered " waqube." It is obsolescent. B(;;a"-ti, Sihi-duba, and 
j,and-nna"ha" are the waze^6 or doctors who treat bilioiisness and fevers • 
bnt they do not go together to visit a patient. 

§ 257. The Buffalo dance. — j;,e-i(J;a^^e-ma, The society of those icho have 
supernatural communications with the Buffaloes, The Buffalo dancers. 
Four of the men of this dance are good surgeons. T wo Crows' father was 
a member of the society, and understood the nse of the medicine, which 
be transmitted to his son. Two Crows says that having inherited the 
right to the medicine, he understands the duties of the doctors, but not 
all about the dance, as he has jiaid no attention to the " ^je i(J;ae^6," which 
has been the duty of others. 

Until recently, the four doctors of this society were as follows : Ni- 
^^ctage, the principal doctor, now dead ; Two Crows (now the principal 
one), ,jafi°-gahige, of the x^d^i) and Zizika-jiiiga, of the Inkesabe. 
Two Crows gives portions of the medicine to the other doctors, and 
they "weze^^g," administer it to the patients. A^ba-hebe used to be a 
doctor. Theother members whose names have been obtained are these : 
Duba ma^^i", xe-iij|a"ha, Icta-q(J;u'a, j_ennga-ja°y^iiike, I"c'age-wahi^e, 
and Gackawaiigift. xahe-jiiiga, now dead, was a member. 

§ '2.58. Times for dancing. — After the recovery of a patient, the mem- 
bers of this society hold a dance, to which they may invite the members 
of the Horse dance, but not those of the Wolf dance. 

When they are not called to dance after the recovery of ]>atients, Two 
Crows says that they may dance when they please, and invite the mem- 
bers of the Horse and Wolf dancing societies to join them ; but the lat- 
ter can never dance independently of the Buffalo dancers. 

ja(f-i"-na"paji says (bnt Two Crows denies) that " wlieu the corn is 
withering for want of rain the members of the Buffalo society have a 
dance. They borrow a large vessel, which they fill with water, and put 
iu the center of tlieir circle. They dance four times around it. One of 
their number drinks some of the water, spurts it up into the air, mak- 
ing a line spray in imitation of a fog or misting rain. Then he knocks 
over the vessel, spilling the water on the ground. The dancers then fall 
down and drink up the water, getting mud all over their faces. Then 
they spurt the water up into the air, making fine misting rain, which 
saves the corn."-" If this is not done by the members of the Buffalo so- 
ciety, it is probably done by others, and ^ja^i^na^paji has made a mis- 

'"In the Osage tradition, coru was derived from four buffalo bulls. See §J 31, 36, 
123, and 163. 



348 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

take only in the name of the society to wliich they belong. "The fog 
occurred on the fourth day after Siqude, of the I°-kug^u society, treated 
a patient. He used to predict the fog; and the patient was caused to 
walk. I never heard of the doctors, spurting water to cause the fog." 
(Frank La Fleche.) 

§ 259. Painting and dress. — The men rub ma"^inka sabg (black earth) 
or ma°(|;iiika :}u-qude (a greenish gray earth) over their bodies and arm- 
joints. Some ru b earth (ma°^iiika-sab€ or ma°^iiika ;u qude) on the face, 
from the right ear to the mouth, then from the left corner of the month 
to the left ear. Some of the men wear only the leggings and breech- 
clothes; others wear in addition to these robes with the hair outside. 
Some wear buffalo tails fastened in belts. Some have sticks of red wil- 
low with the leaves on, which they use as staffs in the dance. Each of 
four men used to put the skin of a buffalo head over his head, the horns 
standing up, and the hair of the buffalo head hanging down below the 
chest of the wearer. It was over his forehead, as well as down his back, 
but not over his eyes. He also wore a necklace of the hair that grows 
on the throat of a buffalo. Two Crows says that now some wear neck- 
laces of " ^6hi°," that is, the old hair, either of a bull or that of a cow, 
which has been shed. Those who do not wear these %6hi^ necklaces, 
wear "ja°Aqa." 

In former days, uo women participated; but now about two are ju'cs- 
ent at the feast, though they do not join in the dance. They wear robes 
with the hair outside, according to j^a^i^-na^pajl. No gourd rattles are 
used. One man acts as "quj[a," and the rest help him. There may be 
one or two drums, for which there ai'e from two to five drummers. The 
various movements of the buffalo are imitated by the dancers. 

§ 200. The Horse dance. — Caii'ge-i(j;ae(J;6-ma, The society of those who have 
super natKral communications ivith horses, The members of the Horse Dance. 

No women belong to this society. Two Grows says that none are 
doctors, and that they never dance except in connection with the buffalo 
dancers, when invited to the feast of the latter, and then they imitate 
the various actions and gaits of horses. No shooting occurs as in the 
dance of the Wacicka afi^-ma. They whiten themselves, rub earth on 
their shoulders, and Indian red on some parts of their bodies. They 
wear necklaces of horses' manes, from each of which a feather is sus- 
pended. Each one wears a horse's tail in a belt. The tail is dried 
stiff, and stands out from his body. At short intervals are suspended 
feathers. 

Members. — Wacuce was a member. Those now living are G^eda"-uaji", 
Eona°haiiga (who has no horses !),Wata"uaji'',Maja"-kide,Ui(j;a"-be-'a°sa, 
<ja-sa"-naji°,Tcaza-^iSge, Cyu-jiuga (who wears a necklace), Haci-ma^cfi", 
Waq^a^uta", Une-ma"(J;L°, Wanija-waqg, Ta-i-kawahu, Jiuga gahige, j[e- 
baha, etc. According to Mr. J. La Fleche, this dance is now obsolete. 

§ 2G1. The Wolf dance. — Ca"4aiiga-i(|;aef6-ma, The society of those who 
hare stipernatural commnnications with Wolves, The members of the 



DOBSEYl THE BUFFALO DANCE, ETC. 349 

Wolf Dance. These ineu cauuot dauce except with the butfalo dancers, 
and with the conseut of the latter. Two Crows has seen them dauce 
but twice. He and J. La Fleche do uot kuow much about them. 

In this dance there are no women, and none are doctor.s, according to 
La FIfeche and Two Crows. No shooting is done, though the dancers 
act mysteriously. They wear wolf skins, and redden the tips of the 
wolves' noses, according to ja(};i"-ua°paji and Frank LaFlfeche (but de- 
nied by Two Crows). They paint their bodies in imitation of the " blue 
wolves, ca°|ai5ga;ii-ma ^ga°ma-<fa°." Those who have held enemies, 
or have cut them up, paint the hands and wrists red, as if they were 
bloody. Others whiten their hands, wrists, ankles, and feet. Some go 
bareibot. All whiten their faces from the right ear to the corner of the 
mouth ; then from the opposite corner of the mouth to the left ear. 
They dance in imitation of the actions of wolves. 

§ 262. The Grizzly hear dance. — Ma°tcii-i^ae(|;6-ma, Those who have su- 
pernatural communications icith grizzly hears, also called Ma°tciig&xe 
watcigaxe. The dance in irhich ihey prexend to he grizzly hears. This 
has not been danced for about ten years, so La Flfeche and Two Crows 
cannot tell who belong to the society. In former days there were wo- 
men that belonged, but in modern times none have been members. 

This dance is spoken of by La Fleche and Two Crows as an " iickade," 
a sport or play, and an "lijigaxe," a game. It is danced at any season 
of the year that the members decide upon ; and all the people can wit- 
ness it. During the day, it takes place out of doors, but at night it is 
held in a lodge. 

The man who receives the drum calls on others to help him, speak- 
ing to each one by name. Then while the first man beats the drum, 
the two, three, or four helpers sing and the rest dauce as grizzly bears, 
and imitate the movements of those animals. 

Painting anddress. — They make the whole body yellow, wearing no cloth- 
ing but the breech-cloth. They rub yellow clay on the backs and fronts of 
their fingers and hands, and sometimes over the whole of the legs. Some- 
times they redden the whole of the legs. Some whiten themselves here 
and there ; some rub' Indian red on themselves in spots. Some wear 
very white plumes in their hair, and others wear red ])lumes (hi^qpd). 
One man wears the skin of a grizzly bear, pushing his fingers into 
the places of the claws. Some wear necklaces of grizzly bears' claws. 

§ 263. The ^a^i° wasabe or Witcita dance. — ^jd^i^wasAbe watcigaxe 
ik^geki^S, The society of the Witcita or j^(|5i"-was4be (Black bear Paw- 
nees). 

The members of this society have a medicine which they use in three 
ways: they rub it on their bodies before going into battle; they rub it 
on bullets to make them kill the foe, and they administer it to horses, 
making them smell it when they are about to surround a buffalo herd. 
If horses are weak they make them eat some of the medicine, and smell 
the rest. Similar customs are found among the Pawnees and Ponkas. 



350 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

A. man thinks, " I will boil," and be invites to a feast those who have 
the medicine of the Witcita society. On their arrival he says, " on 
such a day we will dance." Two or three men boil for the least to be 
held in connection with the dance. 

It takes three days to prepare the candidate, and this is done secretly. 
On the fonrth day there is a pnblic ceremony in an earth lodge, during 
which the candidate is shot with the red medicine. Fi-ank La Fleche 
has witnessed this, and says that it closely resembles the pnblic cere- 
monj' of the Wacicka society. 

§ 264. Paint and dress. — The breech-cloth is the only regular gar- 
ment. Two Crows and La Fleche say that all whiten their bodies and 
legs all over; but ja(fi"-na"piiji says that some draw white lines over 
their limbs and bodies. Some paint as deer, putting white stripes on 
their limbs and bodies; others appear as bald eagles, with whitened 
faces. Some wear cajjs of the skin of the ":jikaqude" or gray fox. 
Some wear necklaces of the skin of that animal; and others have on 
necklaces of the tail of a black-tailed deer and that of an ordinary 
deer, fastened together. Some carry a "jikaqnde" skin on the arm, 
while others carry the skin of the "ma"^iii'kaceha," or red fox, of which 
the hair is very red, and the legs and ankles are black. Some wear 
feathers of the great owl around the wrist; and others carry fans made 
of the feathers of that bird. "Maka°'-jide ha uifaha baqtdqta nusi- 
aq((;a-hna°i" — The red medicine until the sMn adhering to it (being about 
three inches long) is tied up in a bundle, tchich is worn " nusi-aqtfa," 
like a coiled lariat, nith one end over the left shoulder, and, the other under 
the right arm. 

Each of the four singers has a gourd rattle, a bow, and an arrow. 
He holds the bow, which is whitened, in his left hand, and the rattle 
and arrow in his right. He strikes the arrow against the bow-string 
as he shakes the rattle. 

All the members have whistles or flutes, some of which are a foot 
long, and others are about half a yard in length. The dancers blow 
theirs in imitation of the "quj^a." 

Members. — Only one woman belongs to this society ; but the male 
members are the following : G^eda°-naji°, ^ja^i^-gahige, Mnxanaji", j^e- 
U}ia"-ha, Za"zi-mande,Wajiuga, gni-ti(j;a°, Qi^a-gahige, xenuga-ja°-ij;iuke, 
Zizika-jiuga, ;y^axe-na°p'i°, Cage-duba, Eoua°-hauga, Ag^l°-duba, Jiu- 
ga-gahige, and Waji"-(()icage. 

The members of this society would eat no green corn, fruit, etc., till 
consecrated by the dance. A few ears of corn were divided among the 
dancers. Then they could eat as they pleased. 

§ 265. Watci-wa^upi. — This society has not had a dance for about 
thirty years among the Omahas. It is like the dance of the Wasejide 
a^i°ma, which has a medicine that resembles that of the ^ja^i^-wasabe 
iu its use. During the day women danced with the men ; but at night 



DOKSEY.I DANCES: WITCITA, WATCI-WAGUPI, ETC. 351 

the men clauced alone. This is said to be cue of the aucieiit tribal 
dauces. 

§ 266. Was6-jide a^i"'ma, Those who have the Red Paint or Medicine. — 
This is a society of womeu dancers. They seldom meet. Their dance 
is like that of the Watci-waf iipi. jja^i°-na°paji says that the dance is 
sacred. La Fleche and Two Crows have never seen it. They invite the 
members to a feast, as do the Wacicka a(fi°ma ; but no shooting is done. 
The men act as singers, while the women dance. All the women are 
allowed to join in this dance, which is held when the grass is green in 
the spring. Sometimes a man joins in the dance, but that is the ex- 
ception. [Frank La Flfeche says that men do take part in this dance, 
and that the women do not carry the medicine.]^' 

This society has a medicine consisting of the bottoms of several joints 
or stalks of a certain kind of grass, which are tied up in bundles. One 
man carries a bundle in his belt, and the rest are put in a safe place. 
This is the medicine, according to ^jacfi^-na^paji, which warriors carry. 
If they meet an enemy they open the bundles and rub the medicine over 
their bodies to protect them from the missiles of the enemy. They think 
that this medicine will cause the enemy's guns to miss fire, or else the 
balls, when sent, will not hit them. The only painting is red, which is 
on the cheeks, chin, and chest of the dancer. A line is drawn from 
each corner of the mouth back to the cheek, and there is one made 
from the lower lip down under the chin, and it is continued down the 
chest until it is about as low as the heart. 

§ 267. The Ha°'he watci (xoiwere, Ha'^'he waci) is not " The 
Night Dance," as its name implies. It is an ancient dance, which is 
not used now. According to ja^i°-ua°paji, it is "qub6 ata," very 
sacred (for persons), and it is danced in the later fall, when the people 
have killed a great many deer, or many of the enemy. Two (Jrows and 
La Flfeche say that it is " iiwah^hajl, niia^4(j;ica°, a bravery dance, per- 
taining to men;" but they do not know all the particulars. During the 
day women danced, and the men sang for them. Occa.sionally a man 
joined in the dance. At night the men danced alone. But only those 
who had been captains, or had killed foes, or had brought back horses, 
or had been warriors, had a right to take part in the dance. 

Ml'. J. La Flfeche said that there was some connection between this 
society and the Iiig^a°-i(J;ae^e-ma. 

The Hede- watci was a "nikie dance," which occurred on a festival, 
and in which the whole tribe participated. (See §153.) 

The We- watci, or Scalp dance, is the women's dance, in which all join 
who may so desire. (See War Customs, § 215.) 

The Mijjasi watci, or Coyote dance, is described in the chapter on 
War Customs, § 203. 

-' The Kansas have the Maka" jildje, Red Medicine, and the Osages the Maka" oiijee 
watsi", Red Medicine Dance. The leader of the latter is a man. The Kansas used 
to have the Wase jide a^i^-ma. 



352 



OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



The Ilefucka dancing society is described in the chapter on War 
Custoius, §§ 214, 216. 

The He watci is part of the He((-ucka dance. (§ 217.) 

§ 268. T'e gi'ixe watci, The dance of those expecting to die. — This lias 
not been observed for fifteen years by the Omahas. It is explained 
thus, "Ukit'e jjicte, at'e tAiuiuke, efega" ega" uwatcigaxe gaxai." — As 
one thinlis, ^ I will die if there are any enemy,'' they male tite dance. 

This is the men's dance, being "wacuce-aja^'ica"," (. c, something 
Ijertaining to bravery. They always go prepared to meet the enemy 
and to fall in battle. It is danced at different seasons of the year. A 
woQian with a good voice is admitted as a singer. Two or three beat 
a drum. Two men carry " waq(f'eq(('e-'a"si'i" in their hands as they dance. 
These objects resemble the " waqfexe-faze," but there is a different 
arrangement of the feathers. 




Fio. 40.— The waq<t-iiie-a°sa. 

All paint themselves as they please, and carry "^ahauusia dexe" or 
rattles made ot green hide. 

§ 269. The Makeno-fight dance. — jMiifa watcigaxe, the " Nape-sui- 
kagiipi " of the Dakotas, has not been witnessed among the Omahas for 
many years, though it used to be common to the Omahas, Ponkas, and 
Dakotas. La Fleche and Two Crows have heard of it, but have not 
seen it. jafi"-na"paji says " I have not seen it since I have been grown. 
It was in use here long before my time." It is a braverj" dance. 
Drams are beaten. The dancers hold gourd rattles, and each one carries 
many arrows on his back as well as in his arms. The members vow 
not to flee from a foe. They blacken themselves all over with char- 
coal. About fifty years ago two members went into a light armed only 
with deer's claw rattles that had sharp iron points at the ends of the han- 
dles. They rushed among the foe and stabbed them before they could 
draw their bows. 

§ 270. ja-ug^-a" Watci, The dance in which buffalo head-dresses were 
pnton, has long been obsolete. It was a bravery dance. jacf^i^na^pajT 
knew about its occurring once when he was very small. Only very 
brave men conld participate. On their heads they put headdresses to 
which buffalo horns were attached. They bore shields on their backs; 
they rubbed earth on themselves. Anyone who had stabbed a foe with 
a spear carried it on his arm ; and he who had struck a foe with any 
weapon did likewise. Those who were only a little brave could not 
dance. 

§ 271. Egi'a"-w4tcigaxe, r/(e Visitors' dance of relating e.vploits. — When 
a friendly visit has been made horses are given to all the visitors who 



.noBSKv] DANCES. 363 

are iuvited to dauce. " Egi'a"" wa^dtcigaxe tai," lo!« iciU dance the dance 
of exjyloits. The visitors sit in a circle and the members of the borne 
tribe sit outside. A drum, stick, a " crow," and a club or hatchet are 
placed iuside the circle. There is no singing. When the drum is struck 
one of the visitors dances. He who has something to tell about liimself 
takes the crow aud attaches it to his belt. Then be takes the club or 
hatchet. Wheu the drummers beat faster all of tbem say, " Hi ! hi ! hi ! " 
When they stop beating the dancer tells what be has done. Pointing 
iu one direction with his club or hatchet he says, " In that place I killed 
a mau." Pointing elsewhere, he says, " Tbere I took hold of a man." 
" I brought back so many horses from that tribe." Sometimes they beat 
the drum again before he finishes telling his exploits. Sometimes a 
mau recounts much about himself, if very brave, taking four such inter- 
vals to complete his part of the performance. When be has finished he 
hands the crow and weapon to the next dancer. There are four dancers 
in all. Some tell their exploits two or three times, i. e., thej' may re- 
quire two or three intervals or spaces of time after the beating of the 
drum to tell all that they have to say. Wheu the fourth dancer stops 
the dance is over. (See the He watci, at the end of the He(|'.ucka dance, 
§ 217.) This is not danced very often. 

§ 272. The Ghost dance. — Wanaxe-i(fae(f'<i-ma are those who have super- 
natural communications with ghosts. The dauce is called Wanaxe 
i(j.-ae(('e watcigaxe. Formerly the Ponkas bad this dance, and the Oma- 
has saw it and co\'eted it ; so they took it. It has not been danced by 
the Omabas for about forty years. La Fleche and Two Crows never saw 
it, but they have heard of it ; and they speak of it as " I'lqtaji ; edada" 
igaxewaifaji," ««f?esirfl&/e; totally unfit for any use. But jja(fi"-na"paji 
says that it was an " uwaqube," a sacred thing. No women participated. 
A feast was called, the men assembled, a drum was struck, aud they 
danced. The dancers made their bodies gray, and called themselves 
ghosts. 

§ 273. The Padanka dance. — The Padaiika watci (Camauche dauce ?) has 
not beeu held among the Omahas since <ja^'i"na°paji can remember. 
The Omahas bought it from another tribe, aud had it a long time. 
When Mr. J. La Fleche was small, he saw a little of it. He and Two 
Crows have heard about it. The drum was struck ; the dancers red- 
dened their bodies witli Indian red; they wore head-dresses of crow 
feathers or of the large feathers of the great owl. Each one carried 
the " jaciige " or rattles of deers' claws. 

§ 27-i. The Hehdna dance. — This was introduced among the Omahas by 
the'Otos when they visited the former tribe in August, 1878. The Otos 
call it " He-ka"'-yu-ha." It is found among the Sacs and other Indians 
south of the Omahas. This is the dance iu which the young people of 
both sexes participate, and it is called '' umi"(j'ig(f'a"," as it leads the 
young men to think of courting the girls. 

When a young man wishes to have a chance for saying something to 
3 ETH 23 



354 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

a gifl whom be admires be boils for a feast, aucl iuvites tbe guests. 
All tbe yoiiug men assemble, aucl tbe unmarried girls and boysi attend, 
tbough tbe girls never go witboat a proper escort. Motbers take tbeJr 
daugbters, and busbands go witb tbeir wives. 

Tbe dance is beld in a large eartb-lodge, iu tbe middle of wbicb a fire 
is kept up, and candles are placed on supports around tbe walls. Some- 
times tbe boys blow out tbe ligbts all at once after a preconcerted 
signal, and great confusion ensues. All wear tbeir gayest clotbingand 
plenty of ornaments. Fine ribbon is worn on clotbiug, bats, etc. 

Wben a youtb wisbes to court a girl, be waits till tbe girl approacbes 
bim in tbe dance. Tbeu be takes ber by tbe bands, and dances facing 
ber. As tbere is great confusion, no one else can bear bim addressing 
ber, bis face being very close to ber's. Every time tbe drumming stops, 
tbe dancers in eacb pair cbange places, but tbej^ still face eacb otber. 

Wben a woman or girl wisbes a man as a partner, sbe takes bim by 
tbe bands wben begetsclose to ber in tbe dance. 

Wben a distant " motber's brotber " meets one wbom be calls bis 
niece, be may address ber tbus in sport : "A°wdtcigaxe tai, wib6 ! " i. e., 
" Second daugbter of tbe family, let us dance." Sbe replies, " Give me 
pay." So be makes ber a present of a necklace or of some otber orna- 
ment, and sbe dances witb bim. A real uncle never acts tbus. 

Sometimes wben a girl spies among tbe spectators an aged man wbo 
is a kinsman, sbe will rusb to bim in sport, take bim by tbe bands, pull 
him to bis feet, and make bim dance witb ber. On tbe otber band, wben 
a young man spies an aged female relative looking on, be may rusb to 
her, iu sport, and pull ber into tbe ring making ber dance witb bim. 

There is a feast after tbe dance. If tbere is but a small supply of 
food only tbe women and girls eat ; but if tbere is plenty, tbe men wait 
till tbe others have eaten awhile, then they partake. After tbe feast 
tbe guests go home ; but they sleep nearly all of tbe following day, as 
thej^ are very tired. 

§ 275. The Manclan dance. — Tbe Ponkas obtained this dance from tbe 
Dakotas and tbe Omabas learned it from tbe Ponkas. None but aged 
men and those in tbe prime of life belong to this society. All are ex- 
pected to behave themselves, to be sober, and refrain from quarreling 
and fighting among themselves. (For an account of one of tbeir feasts, 
see§ 111.) 

This dance is celebrated as a bravery dance over the bodies of any 
warriors who have been slain by tbe enemy. Each body is placed in a 
sitting posture in tbe lodge, as if alive, and with a rattle of deers' claws 
fastened to one arm. (See Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. 
VJ, Part I, pp. 431, 452.) This dance has been obsolete for some time 
among tbe Omabas. It was danced iu 1853. (See § 21S.) 

§ 276. The TuMla dance was obtained from tbe Dakotas by tbe Ponkas, 
wbo taught it to the Omabas. This dance is for boys what tbe Mandau 
dance is for aged men and men in tbe prime of life. Its rules resemble 



DORSEY.] DANCES. 355 

those of the other dauce, but the sougs aud dauces ai-e different. The 
behavior of the members is not as good as that of the members of the 
Mandau society, though quarreliug is forbiddeu. This is a bravery 
dance. Two womeu attend as singers. Two men who do not fear death 
are the leaders in the dance. Each one carries a " ^\ah(5kuzi " or " wa- 
qf6xe-fAze, of which the end feather on the bent part of the pole is white, 
and the pole is wrapped in a piece of otter skin. 

§ 277. The Sim dance has not been practiced among the Omahas. They 
can give no account of it, tliough some of the ceremonies of the llede- 
watci, such as the procession to the place for felling the tree, the race 
for the tree, the felling of the tree, the manner in which it is carried to 
the village, and the prepai'ation of the " uje;i," agree very remarkably 
with the account of the Snn dance read by Miss A. G. Fletcher before 
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, in August, 
1882. The Ponkas obtained this dauce ft-om the Dakotas. 

§ 278. The " Waua watcigdxe," or Begging dance, is not found among 
the Omahas ; but among the Ponkas, Dakotas, etc., the members of any 
dancing society do dauce at times in order to get presents. 

§ 279. Ponla dancing societies. — The Ponka men have two other danc- 
ing societies: the Gak'exe (which the Omaha Duba-ma"^!" says is the 
same as the Hi"ska-yuha of the Dakotas) and the (fJaduxe. No informa- 
tion has been gained respecting these societies. 

The Ponka women have three dancing societies : the Pa-^ata°, the 
Gat'aua, and the Ma°'zeska na^'p'i" (Those who wear silver necklaces). 



CHAPTER XI. 
REGUL,ATIVE INDUSTRIES. 

THE GOVERNMENT. 

§ 280. Eegulative industries are such as pertain to the government oi 
the tribe, embracing all organizations which are " wewaspeaja(J'ica"," i.e., 
such as are designed to make the people behave themselves. 

Everything that can be thus used is a " wewaspe." Among the former 
are the gentile system (Cha]). Ill), religion, and government, with the 
last of which is associated the law. With the latter may be classed the 
sacred tents, sacred pipes, chiefs, etc. A term of broader significance 
is " Wakanda^afica"," Pertaining to or derived from Walcmda, the Deity 
or Superior Being. Most of the things which are wewaspea^afica" are 
also Wi)kandaja(J!ica", but there are things which are Wakauda}a((-ica° 
that are not directly connected with the government of the state, e. g., 
the law of catamenial seclusion. 

§ 2S1. Governmentul instrumentalities. — The following wewaspe or 
government instrumentalities are regarded as Wakauda;a^-ica": The 
sacred pipes, including the war pipe, the calumet pipes, the sacred pole, 
the sacred !je-sa"-ha, or hide of a white buffalo ; the clam shell, the chiefs, 
the keepers of the three sacred tents, the seven keepers of the sucred 
pipes, the gentes, subgeutes, and taboos. The following are considered 
of human origin : The policemen and the feasting societies. " The way 
to a man's heart is through hi.s stomach" is a familiar saying. So feast- 
ing societies tend to promote the peace of the community, as those who 
eat together, or give food to one another, are bound together as ft-iends. 
(See § 246.) 

§ 282. Government functions. — Government functions are of three 
classes: legislative, executive, and judicial; but these are not fully dif- 
ferentiated in the Omaha state. There is a still further functional 
division running through the legislative, executive, and judicial depart- 
ments, giving civil, military, and religious government. Among the 
Omahas civil and religious government are scarcely differentiated ; 
but military government is almost entirely so. (See War Customs, 
Chapter IX.) 

§ 283. There does not seem to be a distinct order of priests who per- 
form all religious functions. Some of these functions are performed by 
the regular chiefs, others by the keepers of the sacred pipes, others by 
the four wa(fa" during the buffalo hunt, and others by the leaders of the 
dances. Conjurors also pretend to perform mysterious or sacred rites. 
At the same time, the functions thus iierformed by the chiefs, keepers 
3."() 



DOKSEY.j THE GOVERNMENT — CHIEFS. 357 

of the sacred pipes, aud the waifa" are of a civil character. The chiefs 
ai'e religious ofBcers during the buffalo hunt ; they are always praying 
to Wakanda, and showing the pipes to him. They do not act as lead- 
ers of the hinit, wliich is the office of the watfa", though they can make 
suggestions to the latter. They cannot draw their robes tightly around 
them when they are thus praying, and they must be sober and gentle. 

The keepers of the sacred i)ipes are regarded as chiefs in some sense, 
thoug'h they are not allowed to speak in the tribal assembly. " Eacii 
chief is a member of the tribal assembly, though he is not a chief by 
virtue of such membership, but by choice of the members of his gens." 
While the chieftainship is not hereditary, each chief tries to have one 
of his near kinsmen elected as his successor. 

§284. Head chiefs. — Those of the highest grade are the " uikagahi 
uju," or principal chiefs. There have always been two of this rank 
among the Omahas till the late change of the government in 18^0. The 
head chiefs have generally been chosen from the Uangacenu gentes, 
though there is no law forbidding the selection of a member of one of 
the Ictasanda gentes. 

The following is the succession of the principal chiefs of the Omahas 
from the time of the celebrated Black Bird : 

I. Gahige ijauga. The Elder Gahige, commonly called Wajihga-sabe, 
Black Bird, of the Ma"(fiuka-gaxe (an Ictasanda) gens; and jiCsa"- 
i^c'age, The Elder j^e-sa", or The Venerable man. Distant-white Buffalo, 
of the (patada (Haugacenu) gens. II. j,e-sa" i°c'age {continued), and 
A"pa"-ski1, White Elk, of the Weji"cte (a Haiigaceuu) gens. III. j^e- 
sa" i"c'age (contimted), and A"pa°-;ariga, Big Elk, of the Weji^cte geus, 
subse(iuently known by his Pawnee name, Ta-i'-ki-ta'-wa-hu. This was 
the celebrated Big Elk mentioned by Long, Say, and othei's in 1819-20. 
IV. Taikitawahu, and tTha^-jifiga or Wahaxi, called Icta-^anga, Big 
Eyes, by the white men. The latter was au Ictasanda man. He mar- 
ried a sister of Gfeda"-naji", and this was one reason why the latter 
succeeded him as one of the principal chiefs. V. In 1843, A"pa"-')aiiga 
jiiiga, the Younger Big Elk, of the Weji°cte gens, and Gfeda"-uaji", 
Standing Hawk, of the (patada gens. Another reason for the appoint- 
ment of the latter was the friendship existing between his father, j^e- 
sa", and Taikitawahu. VI. Ou the death of A"pa"-iafiga, his adopted 
son, Icta-ma"ze, Iron Eyes, or Joseph La Flfeche, was made his sue 
cessor, and so he and G((;eda°-naji° were the principal chiefs till the 
former was set aside. Since then there has been confusion about the 
head chieftainship, as well as about the chieftainship iii general, ending 
in the election of seven chiefs of equal rank in 1880. 

§285. Subordinate chiefs. — Next to the uikagahi uju are the under 
chiefs, or nikagahi, of whom the number in each tribe varies from time 
to time. When both of the head chiefs retire from office or die there 
is an entire change of the subordinate chiefs; all must resign, and others 
must be elected to till their places. Thus when A^pa^-janga jinga and 



358 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

Gtfeda" uaji° succeeded to the bead chieftainship, in 1843, fully sixty 
subordinate chiefs were appointed. Among these were A°ba-hebe, of 
the x^t^^ gens; Icta-duba, of the Wasabe-hit'aji subgens; jasi-duba 
and Za°zi-mand6, of the 3;a°ze gens; Ta°wa"-gaxe, of the Ma"((',iiika- 
gaxe gens ; and <ja^i°-gahige, of the xa-da. Some chiefs have been ap- 
Ijointed by the United States Government, and so have been recognized 
as chiefs by the United States agent in his councils with the tribe; but 
these are distinct from the regular chiefs. In 1878 the writer found 
three of this kind of chiefs among the Omahas. They had been ap- 
pointed by the United States about the year 1869. Caiige-ska was made 
chief in the place of Ta^wa^-gaxe ; Ibaha^bi, instead of his father, 
Wauui[ige, of the Ictasanda gens ; and Waui!ja-waq6, the keeper of the 
sacred pipe of the x^i-c^^, was the third. 

In 1878 the following were the chiefs who met the agent in councils: 
G(f!eda°-naji° and his brother, ^fede-gahi, who were considered the head 
chiefs by some; Ma°tcuna°ba, of theHaiiga; Gahige, of theluke-sabg; 
Mahi°-^iuge, of the Weji^cte; Wacka^-ma"^!", the third (fatada chief; 
Caugeska, Wanija-waqfe, and Ibaha°bi. The last three always ap- 
peared to stand together, forming a third party in the tribe, as opposed 
to the chiefs' party (to which the others belonged), and that of the 
young men or progressives. 

§ 280. Omaha chiefs elected in March, 1880. — These were elected by an 
assembly of the whole tribe, in open council, and by a show of hands. 
All are of equal rank, there being no principal chiefs : 

jedegahi (of the chiefs' party) and Na°pewa^6 or Cyu-jiuga (of the 
young men'sparty), of the (fatada (G((;eda°-naji" and Wacka"-ma°f i" were 
deposed). Gahige (of the chiefs' party) and Duba-ma°((;i° (of the young 
men's party), of the Inke-sab6. 3;axe-^a°ba, or Two Crows (of the young 
men's party), and Icta-basude (of the chiefs' party), of the Hanga. The 
latter was substituted for his aged father, Ma''tcu-na°ba. The only 
Ictasanda chief elected was Caiige-skS, of the Ma"^iiika-gaxe. Mahi°- 
^iiige, Wauijawaqg, and Ibaha°bi were ignored. 

A few months later three more were elected : Siude xa°xa° instead of 
Wani;a-waq6, of the^a-da; Waha"-^iuge, of the x^-sinde; and Ibaha"- 
bi, of the Ictasanda, making ten chiefs. 

§ 287. Keepers of the sacred iripes. — These have been chiefs among the 
Ponkas, and it seems probable that they are reckoned as such among 
the Omahas. (See the account of the inauguration of Ponka chiefs, 
§ 289.) 

Though no council could be oiJeued without their assistance, they 
were not allowed to take i)art in any of the deliberations. (See § 296.) 

§ 288. Who can be elected chiefs. — As a rule, they must be such as 
have won a good reputation in the tribe. A generous man, one who 
has given more presents or feasts than his kinsmen, stands a chance 
of being elected a chief by and by. The presents, however, must be 
made to the poor and aged, of those who are not kinsmen. Some- 



CHIEFS — INAUGURATION OF PONKA CHIEFS. 



359 



times a inau is elected who has uot led a good life ; but tbej' make bim 
chief with the hope that the uew respousibilities resting on him may 
sober him, and make him a wise man. Sometimes a man succeeds to 
the chieftainship through the eti'orts of some kinsman or affinity who 
is a chief or head chief. 

' Occasions of such elections. — The resignation or death of one of the 
principal chiefs ; the resignation of both of the principal chiefs, or the 
resignation of one and the death of the other. 

§ l.'S9. Sacred or mysterious rites x>ertainin(j to the initiation or inaugura- 
tion of chiefs. — (1). Among the Ponkas. Ma^'egahi, of the Hisada, told 
the following : Musa-naji" of the Wacabe, Ce-uaji" of the Maka", (|'a'ega" 
of the Ifuqe, Si-(jMrige of the Maka", ]Ma"ze-si-ugada" (of the half-breed 
band), and Canugahi of the (pixida, carry the six sacred pipes four times 
around the tribal circle. Muxa-naji" puts up a lai'ge tent (in the middle 
of the circle), unwraps the bundle containing the six pipes, and then the 
five other men accompany' him around the circle. 

The sacred i)ipes are feared by all except those who are to be made 
chiefs, sometimes four, five, or six men. These are outside (of their 
lodges), and as the old men come around, if they have agreed to be- 
come chiefs, they put the pipe-stems to their mouths, but they do not 
inhale any of the smoke. When the old men have gone around the 
fourth time the chiefs assemble in the large tent. The women and 
children stay outside or back of the circle, as they ai'e afraid of the 
pipes. Even the horses are sent to the rear. When the chiefs elect 
enter the large tent they give many horses to the retiring chiefs. 
Then they put the pipes to their mouths 
and inhale the smoke, for if they should 
refuse to inhale it, they would die very 
soon thereafter, before the end of the 
year. 

!N'uda"axa's account of the ceremonies 
at the time of his election is as follows: 
When an old chief resigns, a tent is set up 
in the middle of the circle. They bring 
back some wild sage, which is used as a 
bed for the sacred pipes. These are laid 
on the wild sage in the middle of the tent, 
next to the sacred buffalo skull. The 
hauga-i[i'a"ze or privileged decoration is 
painted on the skull, into the nostrils of 
which some sprigs of wild sage are thrust. 
All the chiefs paint the hariga-j[i'a"ze ou 
their faces, and stick plumes in their hair. They wear buffalo robes with 
the hair outside, and redden their arm-pits, elbows, and the toes of their 
moccasins. They redden blankets at the elbows and next to the armpits, 
in imitation of the bulialoes. The retiring chiefs say to their successors, 




Fig. 41. -The Tonka style of 
bafiga >ii'a"zi.\ 



360 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

" Qub(55ii^4i-ga ! " i. e., " Cause yourselves to be sacred by meaus of the aui- 
mals that you see in your dreams when you fast." Wlien they have left 
the large tent, and have returned to their respective lodges, they sit with 
their robes over their heads, and before they leave their lodges again, 
they must make new tent-flaps, which is a sacred act. The bearers of 
the sacred pipes are Ce-naji" of the Maka", He(ficije of the Xuqe, 
jja(J;i"-gahige (of the Wajaje ?), Muxa-naji" of the Wacabe, a Nikadaona 
man, and Canugahi of the (pixida. As the old men reach the tents of 
each gens it is announced by some of the si)ectators, " They have 
reached the Xuqe!" for exami)le. When Cenaji" arrives at the tents of 
each gens, he says, •' Ho ! I have come to you." The pipes are handed 
in succession to the candidate who sits at the end. Muxa-naji" ad- 
dresses a few words to each of the candidates who are not the sous of 
chiefs, but to those who are the sons of chiefs many words are spoken. 
I belonged to this latter class, so all the old men said to me, " Nija 
i^ib(f'.a° tat<5 ! I"c';'ige ci tat6 ! (JJiAdi gahi, (^\ji"'fe gAhi, ^i:jiga" gahi, 
iimustaqtifida"'bema°(fu"' tal! Wiigazuqti ma"(j'i'" ga"'f a-gii." i. e., "You 
shall have you fill of life ! You shall live to be an aged man ! Your 
father was a chief, your elder brother was a chief, and your grandfather 
was a chief; may they continue to look directly down on jou ! Desire thou 
to walk very honestly." At length they say, "Ca"," Enough ! Then the 
crier proclaims, " Ca""' a((-a, n+!" i. e., "It is indeed enough, halloo!" 
Then all the people walk rapidly to the tent in the middle of tlie circle, 
each one trying to get there before the others so as to get a good seat. 
So they reach there and pass ai'ound the tent. At the time of my inaug- 
uration I sat at the doorof the large tent. Those who had no seats within, 
((. e., as chiefs) sat outside. They were addressed thus : " Gi^i^ja" 
it^(|;a-ga! E)gi(j;e e'di (f^ag(f'i°' te ha!" i.e., "Make room! Beware how you 
sit there!" By and by the two principal chiefs came, stepping very delib- 
erately, and took their places at the head of the circle of those within 
the large tent. 
(2) Among the Omahas, as told by La Fleclie and Two Grows: 
Only one old man goes once around the tribal circle. He starts from 
his own gens, the Ifikesabe, and enters but a single tent of each gens. 
He tells the people of that gens to question all their fellow gentiles who 
wish to be chiefs. The old man enters the Weji"cte tent last of all. 
The men of each gens assemble by themselves. Some are afraid to un- 
dertake the chieftainship, saying, " It is difflcnlt ; I am unwilling." If 
a candidate is " naxide-(f-iii'ge," or '• waspaji," /. e., disobedient or iUbe- 
havcd, the men of his gens can prevent his acceptance of the office. The 
next day the chiefs assemble in a large tent. The decorations of the 
chiefs, the disposition of the sacred pipes and buffalo skull are similar 
to what happens among the Poukas, with a few exceptions. The chiefs 
do not redden their armpits, elbows, and the toes of their moccasins, 
and the hanga->p'a"ze is slightly difierent. 



INAUGURATION OF OMAHA CHIEFS. 



361 




Fig. 42.— Tlje Omaha st\leol'haiiga- 



The ouly clotbiug worn by the chiefs duriug this ceremony consists of 
moccasins, leggings, breech-clotbs, and buffalo robes, with the hair out- 
side. The place of meeting is the earth-lodge 
belonging to one of the principal chiefs. Be- 
sides the chiefs, only a few very brave men 
are admitted to witness the ceremony and to 
act as servants. The keepers of the saci'ed 
pipes are there ; and the two old men of the 
Haiiga who keep the sacred tents, sit by the 
door, as the wagfa, to get wood and water, 
and to attend to the boiling of the food for 
the feast. The rest of the people, including 
the brave men and the young men, are not 
invited to the feast, but they can sit outside 
the lodge. When the crier says, " Oa" afa, 
u+ ! " the candidates know that he refers to 
them, so they and the ])eople hasten to the 
earth-lodge. (See Fig. 2, § IS.) 

The brave young men may be selected from 
each gens to hand around the food; aud one of the principal chiefs calls 
on two by name to lade out the food. 

The principal chief who is about to retire tells each new chief where 
he must sit in the circle of chiefs, and to whatever place he is thus as- 
signed he must regard that as his seat in the assembly from that time 
on. The seat in question is resigned to the new chief by one of the re- 
tiring chiefs, except when some of the sub3rdiuate chiefs vacate their 
places to move nearer to the head chiefs, in which case the new chiefs 
are told to take the places thus vacated. 

When one of the head chiefs resigns all of the subordinate chiefs 
change their places in the council, moving nearer to the seats of the 
principal chiefs. But should the principal chiefs so desire it some of the 
new chiefs may occupy the seats near them, beiug promoted over some 
of the subordinates. A uew chief did not always succeed a retiring chief 
of the same gens. 

The retiring head chief then exhorts each uew chief thus : " If you 
get iu a bad humor Wakanda will do so to you. Do not lie lest the 
people speak of you as lying chiefs and refuse to obey you." 

§ 290. T/ie tribal assembly or council. — This is composed of the chiefs 
alone. The common people have no voice in it. When there is any 
very importaut busiuess the young men and all the people are iuformed 
of it after the meeting of the council. When the chiefs are thus as- 
sembled, they are not always invited to a feast ; but the two sacred pipes 
were always carried around the circle. (See § IS.) 

The principal chiefs did not act without consulting the other chiefs. 
They used to call them together and submit to them any imi)ortant 
questions that had arisen, saying first to one then to another, " What 



362 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

do you decide on 1 " or " Do you decide what shall be done." If one 
after another refused to express an opinion, the two principal chiefs con- 
tinued their questioning till they found one who gave a decision. 

§ 291. The Gentile Assembly. — A gens could assemble as a whole when 
there was any special occasion for such action, e. g., if they had any 
grievance against the members of another gens. 

§ 292. Powers of subordinate Chiefs. — Chiefs had certain rights, among 
which were the follow iug : 1 . The right to sit in the tribal assembly, and 
to join in the deliberations. 2. The right of each to retain his office till 
his death or resignation. 3. The right to regulate the buffalo hunt with 
the aid of the directors and the keepers of the Hanga sacred tents. 4. 
The right to approve or disapprove of the organization of a small war 
party, and to prevent the departure of the same. 5. The right to form 
a party to go on a friendly visit to another tribe ; this includes the right 
to go with a sacred pipe to the village or camp of a hostile tribe in order 
to make peace. 6. The right to stop quarreling or fighting between two 
or more persons, by putting the two sacred pipes between the combat- 
ants and begging them to desist. 7. The right to assemble at the sacred 
tent of the Elk gens, and regulate the sending out of scouts in case of 
a sudden alarm. 8. In modern times, the chiefs have exercised the right 
to sell all or a portion of the land occupied by the tribe, to the United 
States Government ; but such a right was, from the nature of the case, 
unknown in ancient times. 

No chief had a rigbt to interfere with the food or other property of 
private individuals, such as that belonging to the head of a household. 
So when visitors came from another tribe the chiefs could not compel 
members of their tribe to entertain them or make presents to them ; all 
they could do was to ask such things of the people as favors. Xo chief 
had a right to deprive a hunter of an animal that he had killed, nor 
could he claim even a part of the animal. (See § 147.) 

§ 293. Powers of principal Chiefs. — Among their powers are the fol- 
lowing : 1. The right to order the policemen to stnke the disobedient. 
2. The right to order the crier to proclaim the decisions of the tribal 
assembly. 3. The right to call on two of the brave young men by name, 
and tell them to lade out the food for the feast. 4. The right to the 
principal seats in the tribal assembly. 5. The right of one of them to 
determine the place for each newly elected chief in the tribal assembly, 
and also to give any chief a higher place in the circle, promoting him 
to a place above some of his seniors. 

§ 294. Deposition of Chiefs. — Chiefs were not deposed. They always 
continued in oflice till their deatlis or resignations. But when both 
head chiefs died, or one died and the other resigned, all the subordinate 
chiefs were obliged to resign. 

§ 295. Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Tents. — They had certain 
dutie.s to perform during tlie buffalo hunt. Tliej' had the care of the 
sacred tents, with their contents, the pole, and sacred skiu. They acted 



DOKSEYi POWERS OF CHIEFS AND OTHERS. 363 

as wag^a for the tribal assembly, in which they had seats, but without 
the light to join iu the deliberations. They were expected on such oc- 
casions to attend to the fire, to bring in wood and water, and to super- 
intend the boiling of the food for the feast, whenever one was given to 
the assembly. (See § S.) 

§ 296. — Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Pipes (see Chapter III). — 
They could not join in the deliberation of the tribal assembly, though 
no council could be opened without their assistance. (See§ 287.) 

§ 297. Powers of the Policemen. — When not traveling on the buffalo 
hunt they acted as messengers for the chiefs. There were no special po- 
licemen for each chief. They could strike any of the disobedient per- 
sons, even when not ordei-ed to do so by the principal chiefs. Such 
disobedient ones were those who quarreled and fought, stole, or scared 
off the buffalo. 

§ 298. Religion. — Eeligion may be considered as not fully differentiated 
from the government (see §§ 280 to 283). The chiefs are the religious 
as well as the civil rulers of the state. A full account of the religion 
of the Omahas cannot be given iu this paper. It is connected with the 
practice of medicine, mythology, war customs, gentile system, etc. 



OHArTEK XII. 
TIIK LAAV. 

§ 299. The law, which is the body of rules that the State endeavors 
directly or indirectly to enforce, may be properly classed as follows: 
1. Personal law. 2. Property law. 3. Corporation law. 4. Govern- 
ment law. 5. International law. 6. Military law. 7. Religions law. 

Crimes maj- be committed against personal law, property law, cor- 
poration law, government law, international law, military law, and re- 
ligions law. So there are as many divisions of criminal law. 



PERSONAL LAW. 

§ 300. A large part of personal law belongs to gentile or family law. 
Certain degrees of consanguinity and affinity are considered as bars to 
intermarriage. The marriage of kindred has always been regarded as 
incestuous by the Omahas and kindred tribes. Affinities were forbidden 
to Self in certain places which are explained in the description of the 
kinship system and the marriage Jaws. 

Marriage by elopement has been practiced, but marriage by capture 
or by duel are not known. (See § 82.) 

Nage, quarreling and Jightitig. — It used to be a custom among the 
Omahas, when two men engaged in a fight, that he who gave the first 
blow was beaten by the native policemen. 

T'e^'ai, accidental Idlling, and " t'ekifai," intentional lilli^tg or murder, 
are also crimes against religions law, which see in §§ 310, 311. 

Witchcraft. — When the supposed victim has died and the oflender has 
been detected his life may be taken by the kinsman of the victim with- 
out a trial before the assembly or any other tribunal. 

Slavery was n'ot known. Captives taken in war were not i)ut to death. 
(See § 222.) 

§ 301. Social vices (a), Adultery. — Sometimes a man steals another 
man's wife. Sometimes he tempts her, but does not take her from her 
husband. The injured man may strike or kill the guilty man, he may 
hit the woman, or he may deprive the offending man of his property. 
If a woman's husband be guilty of adultery with another woman she 
may strike him or the guilty female in her anger, but she cannot claim 
damages. In some extreme cases, as recorded by Say, an inexorable 
man has been known to tie his frail j)artner firmly upon the earth in 
the ]irairie, and in this situation has she been compelled to submit to 

■Mi4 



[■OKSEvl PERSONAL LAW. 365 

the embraces of twenty or thirty meu successively; she is then aban 
(loued. But this never happened when the woman had any immediate 
kindred, for if she had any such kindred in the tribe the husband would 
be afraid to punish his wife in that manner. A woman thus puniished 
became an outcast; no one would marry her. 

(/>) Prostitvtion. — In 1879 there were only two or three women in the 
Omaha tribe that were known as mi"ckeda or pul)lic women. Of late 
years, according to La Fleche and Two Crows, there have been many 
mi"ckeda, but it was not so formerly, when the Indians were the only 
inhabitants. A father did not reprove his daughter if she was a 
mi"ckeda. He left that to her elder brother and her mother's brother, 
who might strike her with sticks. Sometimes, if very angry with her, 
they could shoot an arrow at her, and if they killed her, nobody could 
complain. 

(c) Foritication. — This is not practiced as a rule, except with women 
or girls that are mi"ckeda. So strict are the Omahas about these mat- 
ters, that a young girl or even a married women walking or riding alone, 
would be ruined in character, being liable to be taken for a mi"ckeda, 
and addressed as such. No woman can ride or walk with any man but 
her husband or some immediate kinsman. She generally gets some other 
woman to accompany her, unless her husband goes. Young men are 
forbidden to speak to girls, if they should meet two or more on the 
road, unless they are kindi-ed. The writer was told of some immorality 
after some of the dances in which the women and girls participate. 
This has occurred recently ; and does not apply to all the females pres- 
ent, but only to a few, and that not on all occasions. When girls go to 
see the dances their mothers accompany them ; and husbands go with 
their wives. After the dance the women are taken home. 

{d) Schoopanism, or jya'derasiia. — A man or boy who suffered as a victim 
of this crime was called a mi"-quga, or hermaphrodite. La Fleche and 
Two Crows say that the mi°-quga is " g^a°(f i"," foolish, therefore he acts 
in that manner. 

(e) Rape. — But one Omaha has a bad reputation in the tribe for having 
frequently been guilty of this crime. It is said that one day he met 
the daughter of Gia^ze-fiiige, when she was about a mile from home, 
driving several ponies. He pulled her ofl'her horse, and though she was 
not over seven or eight years old, he violated her. The same man was 
charged with having committed incest with his own mother. 

§ 30i*. Maiming. — This never occurs except in two cases : First, by ac- 
cident, as when two men wrestle, in si)ort, and an arm is broken by a 
blow from a bow or stick ; secondly, when the policemen hit offenders 
with their whips, on the head, arms, or body ; but this is a punishment 
and not a crime. La Fleche and Two Crows never heard of teeth 
being knocked out, noses broken, eyes injured, etc., as among white or 
colored men. 

Slander is not punishable, as it is like the wind, being " waniaji," that 
is, unable to cause pain. 



366 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



PROPERTY LAW. 



§ 303. Public property, provisions, and stock are not known. Hence, 
there are no revenue laws. 

(a) Tribal property. — Each tribe claimed a certain extent of territory 
as its own, for purposes of occupancy, cultivation, hunting, and fishing. 
But the right of a tribe to sell its land was something unheard of. 
Tortious of the Omaha territory were sold because the people feared to 
refuse the white men. They consented just as a man would "consent" 
to hand his purse to a highway robber who demanded his money or his 
life. Land is enduring, even after the death of all of a generation of 
Omahas ; for the men of the next generation succeed and dwell on the 
land. Land is like water and wind, " w6fi°wi°-^i'A-w^^;6," what cannot 
he sold. But horses, clothing, lodges, etc., soon perish, and these were 
the only things that they could give away, being personal property. 
The tribe had a common language, the right to engage together in the 
chase as well as in war, and in certain rites of a religious and civil 
character, which are described in connection with the hunting customs, 
etc. 

(b) Gentile property. — Each gens had its special " wewaspe," such as 
the sacred pipes, chiefs, sacred tents, area in the tribal circle, etc. These 
" wewaspe" also belonged, in a measure, to the whole tribe. (See Gen- 
tile System, Chapter III.) 

(c) Household property. — Tliis consisted of the right of occupancy of a 
common dwelling, the right of each person to shares of fish, game, etc., 
acquired by any member of the household. When game was killed, it 
belonged solely to the household of the slayer; members of any other 
household had no right to take any part, but the slayer of a bufialo or 
other large animal might give portions to those who aided him in cnt- 
tiug it up. (See §§ 147, 159.) 

(d) Personal property. — When a fother gave a horse or colt to his child, 
the latter was the sole owner, and could do what he wished with the 
property. Each head of a household held a possessory right to such a 
tract or tracts of land as the members of his family or household culti- 
vated; and as long as the land was thus cultivated, his right to its en- 
joyment was recognized bj' the rest of the tribe. But he could not sell 
his part of the land. He also had a right to cultivate any unoccupied 
land, and add it to his own. The husband and wife who were at the 
head of the family or household, were the chief owners of the lodge, 
robes, etc. They were joint owners, for when the man wished to give 
away anything that could be spared he could not do so if his wife was 
unwilling. So, too, if the wife wished to give away what could be 
spared, she was unable to do it if her husband opposed her. Sometimes? 
when the man gave something without consulting his wife, and told her 
afterwards, she said nothing. The wife had control of all the food, and 
the man cojisulted her before he invited guests to a feast saying: "Ew^ku 

/ 



DORSET] PROPERTY LAW GOVERNMENT LAW. 367 

ka"'bfa. I°wi"'baiiga." i. e., "I wish to invite tbem to a feast. Boil 
for me." 

Members of the same tribe occasionally excbanged commodities. Tbis 
rigbt was recognized by all. (See International Law, § 307.) 

§ 304. Debtors. — When a man asked auotber to lend bim anything, as 
a knife, kettle, «S:c., tbe owner wonld not refuse. Wben tbe borrower 
bad flnisbed using it, be returned it to tbe lender, for be would be 
asbamed to keep it as bis own. There never was a case of refusal to 
return a borrowed article. If the use of tbe thing bad impaired its 
value, tbe borrower always returned auotber article of tbe same kind, 
which had to be in as good condition as the former was wben it was 
borrowed. There was no pay or interest on tbe loan. Sometimes, 
when tbe borrower was a kinsman or friend of tbe lender, and be re- 
turned to the latter hisproperty, tbe lender would say to him, " Keep it!" 

§ 3'J5. Order of inheritance. — First, the eldest sou, who becomes tbe 
head of the household or family ; then tbe other sons, who receive 
shares from their brother ; if there are sisters of these, they receive 
from their eldest brother whatever be thinks that they should have. 
Should the deceased leave no children, bis kindred inherit in the fol- 
lowing order: His elder brother, younger brothers, sisters, mothers' 
brothers, and sisters' sons. Tbe widow receives nothing, unless she has 
grown sons of her own, who can protect her. The husband's kindred 
and the widow's step-sons generally deprive her of all the property, 
because they fear lest she should go elsewhere and man-y. 

§300. Crime against property law: Theft. — When the suspected thief 
did not confess his offense, some of bis property was takeu from bim 
until be told the truth. Wben he restored what be had stolen, one-half 
of his own property was returned to bim, and the rest was given to tbe 
man from whom be bad stolen. Sometimes all of the policemen whipped 
tbe thief. But when the thief fled from the tribe, and remained away 
for a year or two, the ofi'ense was not remembered on his return ; so no 
puuisbmeut ensued. 



CORPORATION LAW. 
(See Societies, in Chapter X.) 

GOVERNMENT LAW. 

(See the preceding chapter.) The crimes against government law 
were violations of the rules of tbe buffalo hunt, quarreUng, and fight- 
ing. The violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt were also regarded 
as crimes against religious law. 



368 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 



INTERNATIONAL LAW. 



(See War Customs, Military Law, aud Visiting Customs.) 
§307. Mode of making peace tcith another tribe. — When the Omahas 
wished to make peace, wliich was termed, "mailing the laud good," two 
or more chiefs and some of the young men took one of the sacred pipes 
and went unarmed towards the village or camp of the late foe, taking 
care to go openly and in daylight, when their approach could be seeu. 
They were met by some of the villagers, who conducted them to a lodge, 
where food was given them. After the meal, they were asked to tell 
the object of their visit. The leader of the visitors then said, " I have 
come because I think that we should light no longer. I have come that 
we may eat and smoke together." The principal man of the village 
then replied, " It is good ! If you tell the truth, when you come again, 
we will give a horse to each one of you." At this time, no presents 
were made by either party. They remained together two, three, or 
four days, and left for home when their leader decided to depart. The 
bearer of a peace pipe was generally respected by (he enemy, just as 
the bearer of a flag of truce is regarded by the laws of war among the 
so-called civilized nations. 

When strangers came to visit the Omahas, or when the latter visited 
another tribe, presents were given by both parties, generally consisting 
of horses and robes. But there was no commerce, as we understand 
that term. 



MILITARY LAW. 
(See the preceding paragraphs, and War Customs.) 

RELIGIOUS LAW. 

§ 308. The rules of the buffalo hunt, the consecration of the hearts 
aud tongues, the ceremonies pertaining to the anointing of the sacred 
pole, etc., and those connected with the planting of the corn, were cus- 
toms which were regarded as laws received by their ancestors from 
Wakanda ; hence, they pertained to religion as well as to the govern- 
ment of the tribe. (See §§ 128-163.) 

§ 309. The following are of a religious character: The worshij) of the 
thunder, when first heard in the S])ring (§ 24), and when the men go to 
war (§ 190) ; the style of wearing the hair in childhood (§ 30, etc.) ; most 
of the governmental instrumentalities enumerated in Chapter XI, and 
non-intercourse with a woman during her catamenial seclusion (§ 97). 



DOKSKY] INTERNATIONAL, MILITARY, AND RELIGIOUS LAWS. 369 

The Omahas were afraid to abandon their aged on the prairie when 
uwiiyfrom their permanent villages lestWakauda should punish them. 

The most common offenses against religious law were murder and ac- 
cidental killing. 

§ 310. Murder. — Murder of a fellow Omaha has been of rare occur- 
rence. Drunkenness alone has caused two men to kill each other in a 
few cases; but owing to it there have been more instances of murder 
and manslaughter. Before liquor was introduced there were no mur- 
deis, even when men quarreled. The murder of a fellow clansman was 
unknown, except in a few cases of parricide, caused by drunkenness. 
Parents never killed their children. About thirty-two years ago a man 
killed his uncle to avenge the murder of another uncle by a drunken 
son. Over sixty years ago a Pouka married an Omaha woman, and 
remained with her tribe. His mother-in law was a very bad old woman, 
so he killed her. No Omaha ever killed an affinity. 

Murder might be punished by taking the life of the murderer, or that 
of one of his clansmen. When one man killed another, the kinsmen 
of the murdered man wished to avenge his death, but the chiefs and 
brave men usually interposed. Sometimes they showed one of the 
sacred pipes ; but they always took presents, and begged the kinsmen 
to let the offender live. Sometimes the kinsmen of the murderer went 
alone to meet the avengers j sometimes they took with them the chiefs 
and brave men ; sometimes the chiefs, braves, and generous men went 
without the kinsmen of the murderer. Sometimes the avengers re- 
fused to receive the presents, and killed the murderer. Even when 
one of them was willing to receive them, it was in vain if the others 
refused. 

When the life of the murderer was spared, he was obliged to submit 
to punishment from two to four years. He must walk barefoot. He 
could eat no warm food; he could not raise his voice ; nor could he look 
around. He was compelled to pull his robe around him, and to have it 
tied at the neck, even in warm weather; he could not let it hang loosely 
or fly open. He could not move his hands about, but was obliged to 
keep them close to his body. He could not comb his hair; and it must 
not be blown about by the wind. He was obliged to pitch bis tent about 
a quarter of a mile from the rest of the tribe when they were going on 
the hunt lest the ghost of his victim should raise a high wind, which 
might cause damage. Only one of his kindred was allowed to remain 
witii him at his tent. No one wished to eat with him, for they said, "If 
we eat with him whom Wakanda hates, for his crime, Wakanda will 
hate us." Sometimes he wandered at night, crying and lamenting his 
offense. At the end of the designated period, the kindred of the mur- 
dered man heard his crying and said, " It is enough. Begone, and walk 
among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a good robe." Should 
a man get a bad reputation on account of being quarrelsome, his gens 
might refuse to defend him. Even if the kindred were sad when he 
3 ETH 24 



370 ' OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. 

was slain, they would say uothiug, and no one tried to avenge him. The 
murder of a child was as great a crime as the murder of a chief, a brave, 
or a woman. There was no distinction in the price to be paid. 

Should the criminal escape to another tribe, and be absent for a year 
or two, his crime would be remembered on his return, and he would be 
iu danger. 

§ 311. Accidental killing. — When one man killed another accidentally, 
he was rescued by the interposition of the chiefs, and subsequently was 
punished as if he were a murderer, but only for a year or two. 

§ 312. Profanity. — Cursing and swearing were unknown before the 
white men introduced them. Not one of the (fegiha dialects contains an 
oath. The Omahas are very careful not to use names which they re- 
gard as sacred on ordinary occasions; and no one dares to sing sacred 
songs except the chiefs and old men at the projjer times. 

§ 313. Drunlcenness became a crime, because it often led to murders; 
so the Omaha policemen determined to punish each offender. Eacli one 
of the ten gave him several blows with a whip, and the drunkard's 
annuity for that year was taken from him. In 1854 this vice was broken 
up, and since then there has been no instance of its occurrence among 
the Omahas.^^ 

§ 314. Falsehood. — In 1879 Standing Hawk and a few others were 
noted for this vice ; but in 1882 La Flfeche said that there were many 
who had lost all regard for the truth. Formerly, only two or three were 
notorious liars ; but now, there are about twenty who do not lie. Scouts 
were expected to sjteak the truth when they returned to report to the 
directors, the keepers of the sacred tents, etc. (See§§ 23, 136, and 137.) 
Warriors were obliged to undergo the ordeal of the wastegistu (Osage, 
watse-jiistu ), before receiving the rewards of bravery. If one told a lie, 
he was detected, as the Indians believed that the stick always fell from 
the sacred bag in such a case. (See § 214.) 

" The Indians also broke up gambling with cards, but it has been resumed, as the 
police have not the power to punish the offenders. 






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